PART TWO.
THE LATER
QUENTA SILMARILLION.
THE LATER QUENTA SILMARILLION.
In Part Two I shall trace the development of the Quenta Silmarillion,
in the years following the completion of The Lord of the Rings, from
the point reached in Vol.X, p. 199; but the history now becomes (for
the most part) decidedly simpler: much of the development can be
conveyed by recording individually all the significant changes made to
QS, and there is no need to divide it into two 'phases', as was done in
Vol.X. The basic textual series is QS (so far as it went before its
abandonment); the early amanuensis typescript 'LQ 1' of 1951, for
which see X.141-3; and the late amanuensis typescript 'LQ 2' of
about 1958, for which see X.141-2, 300.
In this latter part of the history the chapter-numbers become rather
confusing, but I think that it would be more confusing to have none,
and therefore I continue the numbering used in Vol.X, where the last
chapter treated, Of the Sun and Moon and the Hiding of Valinor, was
given the number 8.
9. OF MEN.
This chapter was numbered 7 in the QS manuscript (for the text see
V.245-7, $$81-7). The difference is simply due to the fact that the
three 'sub-chapters' in QS numbered in Vol.V 3(a), 3(b), and 3(c) were
in Vol.X called 3, 4, and 5 (see X.299). Few changes were made to the
QS manuscript in later revision, and those that were made were
incorporated in LQ 1. That typescript received no alterations, and is of
textual value in only a few respects; the typist of LQ 2 did not use it,
but worked directly from the old manuscript.
$81. 'The Valar sat now behind the mountains and feasted' > 'Thus
the Valar sat now behind their mountains in peace'.
$82. The placing of Hildorien 'in the uttermost East of Middle-earth
that lies beside the eastern sea' was changed to: 'in the midmost
parts of Middle-earth beyond the Great River and the Inner Sea, in
regions which neither the Eldar nor the Avari have known'.
Many phrases have been used of the site of Hildorien. In the
'Annals' tradition it was 'in the East of the world' (IV.269, V.118,
125), but this was changed on the manuscript of AV 2 to 'in the
midmost regions of the world' (V.120, note 13). In the Quenta it
was 'in the East of East' (IV.99), and in QS, as cited above, 'in the
uttermost East of Middle-earth': in my commentary on QS (V.248) I
suggested that this last was not in contradiction with the changed
reading of AV 2: 'Hildorien was in the furthest east of Middle-earth,
but it was in the middle regions of the world; see Ambarkanta map
IV, on which Hildorien is marked (IV.249).'
In the texts of the post-Lord of the Rings period there is the
statement in the Grey Annals (GA) $57 that it was 'in the midmost
regions of the world', as in the emended reading of AV 2; and there
is the new phrase in the revision of QS, 'in the midmost parts of
Middle-earth beyond the Great River and the Inner Sea' (with loss
of the mention in the original text of 'the eastern sea'). This last
shows unambiguously that a change had taken place, but it is very
hard to say what it was. It cannot be made to agree with the old
Ambarkanta maps: one might indeed doubt that those maps carried
much validity for the eastern regions by this time, and wonder
whether by 'the Inner Sea' my father was referring to 'the Inland Sea
of Rhun' (see The Treason of Isengard pp. 307, 333) - but on the
other hand, in the Annals of Aman (X.72, 82) from this same period
the Great Journey of the Elves from Kuivienen ('a bay in the Inland
Sea of Helkar') is described in terms that suggest that the old
conception was still fully present. Can the Sea of Rhun be identified
with the Sea of Helkar, vastly shrunken? - Nor is it easy to
understand how Hildorien 'in the midmost parts of Middle-earth'
could be 'in regions which neither the Eldar nor the Avari have
known'.
In LQ 2 most of the revised passage is absent, and the text reads
simply: 'in the land of Hildorien in the midmost parts of Middle-
earth; for measured time had come upon Earth ...' If this is
significant, it must depend on a verbal direction from my father. On
the other hand, the revision was written on the manuscript in two
parts: 'in the midmost parts' in the margin and the remainder on
another part of the page, where it would be possible to miss it; and I
think this much the likeliest explanation.
$83. The opening of the footnote (V.245) was changed from 'The
Eldar called them Hildi to Atani they were called in Valinor, but
the Eldar called them also Hildi'; and 'the birth of the Hildi' was
changed to the arising of the Hildi . For Atani see GA $57 and
commentary. As frequently before, the typist of LQ 1 placed the
footnote in the body of the text, where my father left it to stand; but
it reappears as a footnote to LQ 2 - a first indication that the
typescript was taken from the QS manuscript.
After 'those fathers of Men' (in which the f should not have been
capitalised) was added 'the Atanatardi'. Here LQ 1 has Atanatarni,
which was not corrected; while LQ 2 - based not on LQ 1 but on
the manuscript - has Atanatardi. But the form Atanatarni occurs in
the Narn text given in Note 2 to Part One: there Fingon before the
beginning of the Battle of Unnumbered Tears cries Aiya Eldalie ar
Atanatarni (p. 166). In GA $87, in a different passage, the form is
Atanatari (which was adopted in The Silmarillion); cf. also Atana-
tarion, X.373.
$85. The sentence 'Only in the realm of Doriath, whose queen
Melian was of divine race, did the Ilkorins come near to match the
Elves of Kor' was changed to: 'whose queen Melian was of the
kindred of the [gods >] Valar, did the [Ekelli >] Sindar come near to
match the [Elves of Tuna >] Kalaquendi of the Blessed Realm.' On
the term Ekelli 'the Forsaken' and its replacement by Sindar see
X.169-70.
Eruman > Araman (cf. X.123, 194).
'the ancient wisdom of their race' > '... of their folk'.
$86. 'What befell their spirits after death' > 'What may befall...'
'beside the Western Sea' > 'beside the Outer Sea' (see V.248,
$86).
$87. 'vanished from the earth' > 'vanished from the Middle-earth'.
To one or other copies of the LQ 2 typescript my father made a few
changes. The chapter, typed without a number, was now numbered
'XI'. 'Gnomes' was changed to 'Noldor' at each occurrence, and in the
first sentence of $85 'Dark-elves' to 'Sindar'. Against $82 he wrote:
'This depends upon an old version in which the Sun was first made
after the death of the Trees (described in a chapter omitted).' I have
already noticed this in X.299-300, and explained why he numbered
the present chapter 'XI'. He also bracketed in pencil three passages in
the account of the mortality of the Elves in $85: 'Yet their bodies were
of the stuff of earth... consumeth them from within in the courses of
time'; 'days or years, even a thousand'; 'and their deserts'.
10. OF THE SIEGE OF ANGBAND.
This chapter was numbered 8 in the QS manuscript, and the text
is given in V.248-55, $$88-104. As in the preceding chapter, all
post-Lord of the Rings revision was carried out on the QS manuscript:
that is to say, no further revisions were made to the typescript LQ 1;
and here again the late typescript LQ 2 was derived from the
manuscript, not from LQ 1. In this chapter, on the other hand, by no
means all the revisions made to the manuscript are found in LQ 1; and
in the account that follows I notice all such cases. I do not notice the
changes Eruman > Araman; Tun > Tuna; Gnomes > Noldor;
Thorndor > Thorondor; Bladorion > Ard-galen (see p. 113, $44).
$88. The opening passage of the chapter in QS was rewritten on a
slip attached to the manuscript - this slip being the reverse of a letter
to my father dated 14 November 1951: but it was not incorporated
into LQ 1. The introduction of this rider led the typist of LQ 2 to
ignore the fact that a new chapter begins at this point, and to type
Of the Siege of Angband as all of a piece with Of Men; subsequently
my father inserted a new heading Of the Siege of Angband with the
number 'XII' (on which see p. 175). The new opening reads:
As was before told Feanor and his sons came first of the Exiles to
Middle-earth, and they landed in the waste of Lammoth upon the
outer shores of the Firth of Drengist. Now that region was so
named, for it lay between the Sea and the walls of the echoing
mountains of the Eryd Lomin. And even as the Noldor set foot
upon the strand their cries were taken up into the hills and
multiplied, so that a great clamour as of countless mighty voices
filled all the coasts of the North; and it is said that the noise of the
burning of the ships at Losgar went down the winds of the Sea as
a tumult of great wrath, and far away all that heard that sound
were filled with wonder.
Under the cold stars before the rising of the Moon Feanor and
his folk marched eastward, and they passed the Eryd Lomin, and
came into the great land of Hithlum, and crossing the country of
Dor-lomin they came at length to the long lake of Mithrim, and
upon its north-shore they made their first camp in that region
which was called by the like name.
There a host of the Orcs, aroused by the tumult of Lammoth,
and the light of the burning at Losgar, came down upon them;
and beside the waters of Mithrim was fought the first battle upon
Middle-earth...
This is the story of Lammoth told (at about this same time) in the
later Tale of Tuor (Unfinished Tales p. 23):
Tuor was now come to the Echoing Mountains of Lammoth
about the Firth of Drengist. There once long ago Feanor had
landed from the sea, and the voices of his host were swelled to a
mighty clamour upon the coasts of the North ere the rising of the
Moon.
On the much later and apparently distinct story that Lammoth was
so called because the echoes of Morgoth's cry were awakened by
'any who cried aloud in that land' see X.296, $17 and commentary,
and Unfinished Tales p. 52. Both 'traditions' were incorporated in
the published Silmarillion, pp. 80-1, 106.
At the end of this paragraph my father pencilled on the manu-
script: 'He [Feanor] gives the green stone to Maidros', but then
noted that this was not in fact to be inserted; see under $97 below.
$90. 'and they were unwilling to depart, whatever he might do' >
'... whatever he might do, being held by their oath.' This addition is
not present in LQ 1; while the typist of LQ 2, unable to read the first
word, put 'They held by their oath', and this was allowed to stand.
Cf. GA $50.
$91. 'the Sun rose flaming in the West' > 'the Sun rose flaming above
the shadows' (not in LQ 1).
'and good was made of evil, as happens still' removed.
$93. 'the bright airs of those earliest of mornings' > 'the bright airs in
the first mornings of the world.'
$94. A subheading was pencilled in the margin at the beginning of
this paragraph: Of Fingon and Maedros (apparently first written
Maidros: see p. 115, $61). Not found in LQ 1, this was incorpor-
ated in LQ 2.
In the second sentence 'most renowned' > 'most honoured' (not
in LQ 1).
To the words 'for the thought of his torment troubled his heart'
was added (not in LQ 1): 'and long before, in the bliss of Valinor, ere
Melkor was unchained, or lies came between them, he had been
close in friendship with Maedros.' Cf. GA $61 and commentary
(p. 115).
$95. 'for the banished Gnomes!' > 'for the Noldor in their need!'
$97. A new page in the QS manuscript begins with the opening of
this paragraph, and at the top of the page my father pencilled: 'The
Green Stone of Feanor given by Maidros to Fingon.' This can hardly
be other than a reference to the Elessar that came in the end to
Aragorn; cf. the note given under $88 above referring to Feanor's
gift at his death of the Green Stone to Maidros. It is clear, I think,
that my father was at this time pondering the previous history of the
Elessar, which had emerged in The Lord of the Rings; for his later
ideas on its origin see Unfinished Tales pp. 248-52.
$98. '(Therefore the house of Feanor were called the Dispossessed,)
because of the doom of the Gods which gave the kingdom of Tun
[later > Tuna) to Fingolfin, and because of the loss of the Silmarils'
was changed (but the change is not present in LQ 1) to: '... (as
Mandos foretold) because the overlordship passed from it, the elder,
to the house of Fingolfin, both in Elende and in Beleriand, and
because also of the loss of the Silmarils.'
With the words 'as Mandos foretold' cf. AAm $153 (X.117); and
on the content of the paragraph see p. 115, commentary on GA
$$65-71.
$99. At the end of the paragraph, after 'he [Thingol] trusted not that
the restraint of Morgoth would last for ever', was added: 'neither
would he ever wholly forget the deeds at Alqualonde, because of his
ancient kinship with [Elwe >] Olwe lord of the Teleri.' On the
change of Elwe to Olwe see X.169-70.
$100. 'in unexplored country' > 'in untrodden lands'.
$101. This passage on the finding of Nargothrond and Gondolin was
expanded in three stages. The first alteration to QS replaced the
sentence 'But Turgon went alone into hidden places' thus:
Yet Galadriel his sister went never to Nargothrond, for she
remained long in Doriath and received the love of Melian, and
abode with her and there learned great lore and wisdom. But the
heart of Turgon remembered rather the white city of Tirion upon
its hill, and its tower and tree, and he journeyed alone into hidden
places...
Subsequently the whole of QS $101 was struck through and
replaced by the following rider on a separate sheet. This was taken
up into the first typescript LQ 1, but in a somewhat different form
from the rider to the manuscript, which was followed in LQ 2 and is
given here.
And it came to pass that Inglor and Galadriel were on a time the
guests of Thingol and Melian; for there was friendship between
the lord of Doriath and the House of Finrod that were his kin,
and the princes of that house alone were suffered to pass the
girdle of Melian. Then Inglor was filled with wonder at the
strength and majesty of Menegroth, with its treasuries and
armouries and its many-pillared halls of stone; and it came into
his heart that he would build wide halls behind everguarded gates
in some deep and secret place beneath the hills. And he opened his
heart to Thingol, and when he departed Thingol gave him guides,
and they led him westward over Sirion. Thus it was that Inglor
found the deep gorge of the River Narog, and the caves in its steep
further shore; and he delved there a stronghold and armouries
after the fashion of the mansions of Menegroth. And he called
that place Nargothrond, and made there his home with many of
his folk; and the Gnomes of the North, at first in jest, called him
on this account Felagund, or 'lord of caverns', and that name he
bore thereafter until his end. Yet Galadriel his sister dwelt never
in Nargothrond, but remained in Doriath and received the love of
Melian, and abode with her, and there learned great lore and
wisdom concerning Middle-earth.
The statement that 'Galadriel dwelt never in Nargothrond' is at
variance with what is said in GA $108 (p. 44), that in the year 102,
when Nargothrond was completed, 'Galadriel came from Doriath
and dwelt there a while'. - To this point the two forms of the rider
differ only in a few details of wording, but here they diverge. The
second form, in LQ 2, continues:
Now Turgon remembered rather the City set upon a Hill,
Tirion the fair with its Tower and Tree, and he found not what
he sought, and returned to Nivrost, and sat at peace in
Vinyamar by the shore. There after three years Ulmo himself
appeared to him, and bade him go forth again alone to the Vale
of Sirion; and Turgon went forth and by the guidance of Ulmo
he discovered the hidden vale of Tumladen in the encircling
mountains, in the midst of which there was a hill of stone. Of
this he spoke to none as yet, but returned to Nivrost, and there
began in his secret counsels to devise the plan of a fair city
[struck out: a memorial of Tirion upon Tuna for which his
heart still yearned in exile, and though he pondered much in
thought he]
For this concluding passage LQ 1 returns to the first rewriting given
at the beginning of this discussion of QS $101, 'But the heart of
Turgon remembered rather the white city of Tirion upon its hill ...'
The explanation of the differences in the two versions must be that a
first form of the rider (which has not survived) was taken up into
LQ 1, and that subsequently a second version was inserted into the
QS manuscript in its place, and so used in LQ 2.
This replacement text for QS $101 is closely related to GA
$$75-6 (p. 35); and since on its reverse side is a rejected draft for the
replacement annal for the year 116 in GA ($$111-13, pp. 44 - 5),
also concerned with Gondolin, it is clear that my father was
working on the story of the origins of Nargothrond and Gondolin
in both the Silmarillion and the Annals at the same time. See further
pp. 198 ff.
$102. At the beginning of this paragraph a sub-heading Of Dagor
Aglareb was pencilled on the manuscript, but this was not taken up
in either typescript.
'the Blue Mountains' > 'Eredluin, the blue mountains'
the second great battle > the third great battle: see p. 116, $77.
*
A few corrections were made to one or the other, or to both, of the
copies of LQ 2. In addition to those listed below, Inglor was changed
to Finrod, and Finrod to Finarphin or Finarfin, throughout.
$92. Tuna > Tirion
$98. '(the feud) was healed' > 'was assuaged'
$99. 'Dark-elves of Telerian race' > 'Dark-elves, the Sindar of
Telerian race'.
$100. At the beginning of this paragraph my father inserted a new
chapter number and title: XIII The Founding of Nargothrond and
Gondolin; and the next chapter, Of Beleriand and its Realms, was
given in LQ 2 the number XIV.
Nivrost > Nevrast (and subsequently); the first appearance of the
later form of the name (its appearance in the later Tale of Tuor was
by editorial change).
$101 Against the name Felagund my father wrote this note: 'This
was in fact a Dwarfish name; for Nargothrond was first made by
Dwarves as is later recounted.' An important constituent text
among the Narn papers is a 'plot-outline' that begins with Turin's
flight from Doriath and moves towards pure narrative in a long
account of Turin's relations with Finduilas and Gwindor in
Nargothrond (which with some editorial development was given in
Unfinished Tales, pp. 155-9). In this text the following is said of
Mim the Petty-dwarf:
Mim gets a certain curious liking for Turin, increased when he
learns that Turin has had trouble with Elves, whom he detests. He
says Elves have caused the end of his race, and taken all their
mansions, especially Nargothrond (Nulukhizidun).
Above this Dwarvish name my father wrote Nulukkhizdin (this
name was used, misspelt, in The Silmarillion, p. 230).
$104. Glomund > Glaurung. At the head of the page in QS my
father wrote 'Glaurung for Glomund', but the LQ typescript, as
typed, has Glomund - whereas Glaurung appears already in the
Grey Annals as written.
11. OF BELERIAND AND ITS REALMS.
In Volume V (p. 407) I wrote as follows about the second Silmarillion
map:
The second map of Middle-earth west of the Blue Mountains in the
Elder Days was also the last. My father never made another; and
over many years this one became covered all over with alterations
and additions of names and features, not a few of them so hastily or
faintly pencilled as to be more or less obscure....
The original element in the map can however be readily perceived
from the fine and careful pen (all subsequent change was roughly
done); and I give here on four successive pages a reproduction of the
map as it was originally drawn and lettered....
The map is on four sheets, originally pasted together but now
separate, in which the map-squares do not entirely coincide with the
sheets. In my reproductions I have followed the squares rather than
the original sheets. I have numbered the squares horizontally right
across the map from 1 to 15, and lettered them vertically from A to M, so
that each square has a different combination of letter and figure for
subsequent reference. I hope later to give an account of all changes
made to the map afterwards, using these redrawings as a basis.
This I will now do, before turning to the changes made to the chapter
Of Beleriand and its Realms. On the following pages are reproduced
the same four redrawings as were given in V.408-11, but with the
subsequent alterations and additions introduced (those cases where I
cannot interpret at all faint pencillings are simply ignored). Correc-
tions to names (as Nan Tathrin > Nan Tathren, Nan Dungorthin >
Nan Dungortheb, Rathlorion > Rathloriel) are replaced, not shown
as corrections. It is to be remembered that, as I have said, all later
changes were roughly done, some of them mere scribbled indications,
and also that they were made at many different times, in pencil,
coloured pencil, blue, black and red ink, and red, green and blue
ball-point pen; so that the appearance of the actual map is very
different from these redrawings. I have however retained the placing
of the new lettering in almost all cases as accurately as possible.
There follows here a list, square by square, of features and names
where some explanation or reference seems desirable; but this is by no
means an exhaustive inventory of all later alterations and additions,
many of which require no comment.
1. North-western section (p. 182).
(1) A 4 - 5. The mountain-chain is a mere zigzag line pencilled in a
single movement, as also are the mountains on A 7 (extending
east to the peaks encircling Thangorodrim on section 2, A 8).
(2) B 4 to C 4. The name Dor-Lomen was almost illegibly scribbled
in; it seems to imply an extension of Dor-Lomen northwards.
(3) B 7 to C 7. The name beginning Fen is continued on Section 2,
B 8 of Rivil, changed to of Serech (see p. 113, commentary on
GA $44). An arrow, not inserted on the redrawing, points to
three dots above the inflowing of Rivil as marking the Fen.
(4) c 1. I can cast no light on the name Ened of the island in the
ocean.
(5) C 3. It seems probable that the name Falasquil referred to the
small round bay, blacked in, on the southern shore of the
great bay leading into the Firth of Drengist. On the remark-
able reappearance of this ancient name see p. 344.
(6) C 4. The clearly-marked gap in the stream flowing into the
Firth of Drengist represents its passage underground; with
the name Annon Gelyd cf. Annon-in-Gelydh (the Gate of the
Noldor) in the later Tale of Tuor, Unfinished Tales p. 18. The
ravine of Cirith Ninniach is described in the same work (ibid.
p. 23). The upper course of the stream is very faintly pencilled
and uncertain, but it seems clear that it rises in the Mountains
of Mithrim (ibid. p. 20).
(7) C 6. For the peak shaded in and marked Amon Darthir, with
Morwen beside it, see Unfinished Tales, where it is told (p. 68)
that the stream Nen Lalaith 'came down from a spring under
the shadow of Amon Darthir', and (p; 58) that it 'came
singing out of the hills past the walls of [Hurin's] house'.
(8) C 6 to D 7. For the river Lithir see p. 261.
(9) c 7. For the stream (Rivil) that flows into Sirion see Section 2,
C 8.
(10) D 2-4. Both Nevrast and the Marshes of Nevrast were first
written Nivrost (see p. 179, $100). On Lake Linaewen and
the marshes see p. 192 and Unfinished Tales p. 25.
(11) D 6. For the river Glithui see Unfinished Tales p. 38 and note
16, and p. 68. In the first of these passages (the later Tale of
Tuor) the name is Glithui as on the map, but in the second
(the Narn) it is equally clearly Gilthui. For Malduin see
Unfinished Tales p. 38 and The Silmarillion p. 205.
(12) D 7. The line of dots extending east from the Brithiach was
struck out as shown; see Section 2, $38. For the ford of
Brithiach see p. 228, $28.
(13) D 7. Dim is the first part of the name Dimbard: see Section 2,
D 8.
(14) E 4 to F 4. anciently Eglador: Eglador was the original name of
Doriath, 'land of the Elves' (see the Etymologies, V.356, stem
ELED), and is so entered on the map (Section 2, F 9). For its
later sense, 'land of the Eglain, the Forsaken People, the
Sindar' see p. 189, $57; and here Eglador is used with a much
wider reference: the western parts of Beleriand (see pp.
379-80). This is perhaps to be related to the statement in The
Tale of Years (pp. 343-4), 'The foremost of the Eldar reach
the coastlands of Middle-earth and that country which was
after named Eglador' - to which however is added the
puzzling phrase 'Thereof Beleriand was the larger part'.
(15) E 4 to D 5. Woods of Nuath: see the later Tale of Tuor in
Unfinished Tales, p. 36 and note 14.
(16) E 5. The name Tumhalad appears to be written twice, above
and below the two short parallel lines shown. See pp. 139-40,
commentary on GA $275.
(17) E 5-6. Talath Dirnen was first written Dalath Dirnen; see
p. 228, $28.
(18) E 6 to F 6. South of the Crossings of Taiglin it is difficult to be
sure, among various incomplete dotted lines, what was the
course of the road to Nargothrond, but my father seems
subsequently to have entered it as a straight line of short
dashes as shown.
(19) E 6-7. From Ephel Brandir various lines, which I cannot
certainly interpret and have not marked on the map, run west
towards the Crossings of Taiglin. Possibly one line marks the
road to the Crossings and another the course of Celebros. -
Tavrobel on the map as originally lettered was struck out and
replaced by Bar Haleth (also struck out), but no precise site is
indicated. For Bar Haleth see p. 157, commentary on GA
$324.
(20) E 7. Folk of Haleth clearly belongs to the first making of the
map and should have been entered on the redrawing (V.408).
(21) F 2. The name Forfalas ('North Falas') seems not to occur
elsewhere; similarly with Harfalas ('South Falas'), Section 3,
H 4.
(22) F 4. The original name R.Eglor was struck out and replaced by
Eglahir. Later the name Nenning was written in, but Eglahir
was not struck out. See p. 117, commentary on GA $85.
(23) F 5. For the dotted line on this square see $59 below.
(24) F 6. The word 'or' refers to the name Methiriad, Section 3, G 6.
(25) F 6. For the change of date from 195 to 495 see V.139, 407.
(26) F 6-7. Moors of the Neweglu: among the Narn papers there are
many texts concerned with the story of Mim, and in these are
found an extraordinary array of names for the Petty-dwarves:
Neweg, Neweglin; Niwennog; Naug-neben, Neben-naug;
Nebinnog, Nibennog, Nibinnogrim, Nibin-noeg; Nognith.
The name on the map, Neweglu, does not occur in the Narn
papers.
(27) F 7. The name of an isolated hill Carabel stands at the point
where Amon Rudh (the abode of Mim) is shown on my map
accompanying The Silmarillion. The name of the hill was
changed many times: Amon Garabel > Carabel; Amon Carab
(translated 'Hill of the Hat'); Amon Nardol and Nardol (cf.
the beacon-hill Nardol in Anorien); Amon Rhug 'the Bald
Hill'; and Amon Rudh of the same meaning.
(28) F 7. For Nivrim see QS $110 (V.261).
2. North-eastern section (p. 183).
(29) B 8. (Fen) of Serech: see Section 1, $3.
(30) B 12 to A 13. read (71) Dor-na-Daerachas: the number 71
oddly but certainly refers to the year 1971; the addition is
very late, since it does not appear on the photocopy of the
map used by my father c.1970 (see p. 330 and note 1, also
p. 191, after $74).
(31) B 12-13. Lothland: see p. 128, commentary on GA $$173 - 4.
(32) C 9. The mountain named Foen: in a philological fragment of
uncertain date it is stated that Dorthonion 'was called also
Taur-na-Foen, the Forest of the Foen, for that was the name
(which signifies "Long Sight") of the high mountain in the
midst of that region.'
(33) C 9-10. Drun: cf. the later form of the Lay of Leithian, III.344,
line 520: 'ambush in Ladros, fire in Drun' (see commentary,
III. 350).
(34) C 10-11. For mentions of Ladros see p. 224 and $33 above; also
Unfinished Tales p. 70, where Turin is named 'heir of
Dor-lomin and Ladros'.
(35) C 11. On the left side of the square my father wrote Orodreth,
subsequently striking it out. This placing of Orodreth's
territory goes back to the old story that of the sons of Finrod
(Finarfin) on Dorthonion 'easternmost dwelt Orodreth, nigh-
est to his friends the sons of Feanor' (AB 1, IV.330).
(36) C 12. Maedros was corrected from Maidros, so also on D 12; in
the original Marches of Maidros the name was corrected to
Maedros.
(37) D 8. bard is the second element of Dimbard (see Section 1, D 7).
The name is certainly written thus, with final -d, but else-
where the form is always Dimbar.
(38) D 8-9, E 9-10. The line of dots marked List Melian was struck
out for some distance east of the Brithiach, as shown (see
Section 1, D 7), and its discontinuous extension between
Esgalduin and Aros was put in later and more roughly. On the
significance of these dotted lines see p. 333, and for the name
List Melian (the Girdle of Melian) see pp. 223, 228.
(39) D 9. Eryd Orgorath seems to be written so, and above it
apparently Gorgorath, but the forms are very hard to make
OUT.
(40) D 9. Goroth[ ]ess: the illegible letter in this otherwise totally
unknown name (which was struck through) might be r.
(41) D 9. For the bridge of Esgalduin marked on the published map
(and named Iant Iaur) in the position equivalent to the S.E.
corner of D 9 see pp. 332 - 3.
(42) D 10. For Dor Dinen see pp. 194, 333.
(43) D 10. The Ford over Aros can be shown to be a very late
addition to the map: see p. 338, note 6.
(44) D 11. Pass of Aglon(d: for the forms Aglon and Aglond see
p. 338, note 3.
(45) D 14. Mt. Rerir: in QS $114 (V.263) it is said that Greater
Gelion came from Mount Rerir (the first occurrence of the
name); about it were 'many lesser heights' ($118), and on its
western slopes was built a Noldorin fortress ($142). The map
was made before the emergence of Mount Rerir, and my
father contented himself with writing the name against the
not specially conspicuous mountain near the end of the line
marking Greater Gelion.
(46) E 8 to D 8. The name R. Mindeb was written on the map at its
making but was inadvertently omitted from my redrawing
(V.409).
(47) E 11. Himlad: on the meaning of the name, and the reason for
it, see p. 332 and note 4.
(48) E 11. Gladuial: I have not found this name anywhere else.
(49) E 11. Radrim: the line directing the name to the wooded land
between Aros and Celon is faintly pencilled on the map.
Radrim does not occur in any narrative text, but is found in
the Etymologies (V.382-3, stems am and RI): Radhrim East-
march (part of Doriath)'.
(50) E 12-13, F 13. The words 'north road of Dwarves' are very faint
and blurred, but this seems to be the only possible interpreta-
tion. On the extremely puzzling question of the Dwarf-roads
in East Beleriand see pp. 334-6.
(51) E 12. A word faintly pencilled across the upper part of this
square could be interpreted as 'Marshes'.
(52) F 9. Eglador pencilled under Doriath: see $14 above.
(53) F 10. Arthorien: see pp. 112-13, commentary on GA $38; and
the next entry.
(54) F 10. Garthurian (which could also be read as Garthurien): in
the text cited at $32 above it is said that 'the Noldor often
used the name Arthurien for Doriath, though this is but an
alteration of the Sindarin Garthurian "hidden realm".'
(55) F 11. Estoland: the form is clear, but at all other occurrences of
the name it is Estolad.
3. South-western section (p. 184).
(56) G 2. Cape Andras is referred to in Quendi and Eldar, p. 379.
Cf. Andrast 'Long Cape' in the extreme west of Gondor
(Index to Unfinished Tales).
(57) G 3 to H 3. The names Eglamar (as applied here) and Emyn
Eglain (or Hills of Eglamar) are not found in any narrative
text. Eglamar is one of the oldest names in my father's
legendarium: together with Eldamar of the same meaning,
'Elf-home', it referred to the land of the Elves in Valinor, Egla
being 'the Gnome name of the Eldar who dwelt in Kor' (see
1.251, II.338; also the Etymologies, V.356, stem ELED). The
old names Eglamar, Eglador, Eglorest (> Eglarest), not
abandoned, were afterwards related to the name by which the
Sindar called themselves, Eglath 'the Forsaken People' (see
X.85, 164). In Quendi and Eldar (p. 365) the etymology of
Eglain, Egladhrim is given - though it is not the only one that
my father advanced; and later in that essay (pp. 379-80) it is
explained why these names were found in the Falas among the
people of Cirdan. (I cannot account for the application of
the name Eglamar to Arthorien, the small land in the S.E. of
Doriath between Aros and Celon, in the note cited on p. 112,
commentary on GA $38.)
(58) G 4. The name Eglorest of the map as originally made was not
emended to the later form Eglarest.
(59) G 5-6, H 5-6. The extent of the Taur-na-Faroth (or High Faroth)
is marked out by the dotted line (extending somewhat north
of Nargothrond on Section 1, F 5) as a very large region,
somewhat in the shape of a footprint: cf. the representation of
the Hills of the Hunters on the first Silmarillion map (Vol.IV,
between pp. 220 and 221). The dots outlining the more
southerly part were cancelled, and rough lines (not repre-
sented in the redrawing) across G 5 (from left-centre to
bottom-right) suggest a reduction in the extent of the
highlands. See further $65 below.
(60) G 5. The name Ingwil was not corrected to the later form
Ringwil (see p. 197, $112).
(61) G 6. I have not found the name Methiriad of 'Mid-Beleriand'
elsewhere.
(62) H 2. Barad Nimras replaced Tower of Tindabel (jumping the
intervening name Ingildon): see p. 197, $120.
(63) H 3. The coastline south-west of Eglarest was extended into a
small cape named Ras Mewrim, a name not found elsewhere;
in Quendi and Eldar (pp. 379 - 80) it is named Bar-in-Myl
'Home of the Gulls'.
(64) H4. Harfalas: see $21 above.
(65) J 5-7, K 5-6. I have mentioned under $59 above that the dotted
line marking the extent of the Taur-na-Faroth was later
cancelled in its southern part; but the high country of
Arvernien (clearly added to the map after the dotted line) is
shown extending by a narrow neck to join the southern
extremity of the Taur-na-Faroth as originally indicated: i.e.,
there is a great range of hills extending from near the southern
coast, through this 'neck', to a little north of Nargothrond.
(66) K 5-6. The name Earendil on K 6, though separated, very
probably belongs with Ship-havens on K 5. Cf. the beginning
of Bilbo's song at Rivendell:
Earendil was a mariner
that tarried in Arvernien;
he built a boat of timber felled
in Nimbrethil to journey in ...
4. South-eastern section (p. 185).
(67) G 8-9, H 8-11. The Andram is marked only as a faint pencilled
line of small curves, more vague and unclear than in my
redrawing.
(68) G 11-13. A vaguely marked line of dashes (not represented on
the redrawing) runs westward from just above Sarn Athrad
on G 13: this perhaps indicates the course of the Dwarf-road
after the passage of Gelion. This line bends gently north-west
across G 12 and leaves G 11 at the top left corner, possibly
reappearing on Section 2, F 10, where (if this is correct) it
reached Aros just below the inflow of Celon. See p. 334.
(69) G 14. The correction of Rathlorion to Rathloriel was an early
change (V.407). A name beneath, hastily pencilled, is very
probably Rathmalad (cf. the name Rathmallen of this river in
The Tale of Years, p. 353).
(70) H 11-12. Rhamdal: this spelling is found in QS $142 (beside
Ramdal in $113, adopted in The Silmarillion) and in the
Etymologies, V.390, stem TAL; cf. ibid. V.382, stem RAMBA,
'Noldorin rhamb, rham'.
(71) K 10-11. The scribbled named South Beleriand was struck out.
(72) K 9-11, L 9-11. For the name Taur-im-Duinath of the great
forested region between Gelion and Sirion in the published
Silmarillion and map see p. 193, $108.
(73) L 14-15. Tol Galen: the divided course of the river Adurant
(whence its name, according to the Etymologies, V.349, stem
AT(AT)) enclosing the isle of Tol Galen is shown in two forms.
The less extensive division was drawn in ink (it seems that
the oblong shape itself represents the island, in which case the
area between it and the two streams is perhaps to be taken as
very low-lying land or marsh); the much larger division, in
which the northern stream leaves the other much further to
the east and rejoins it much further to the west, was entered in
pencil, together with the name. The name Tol Galen was
written a third time (again in pencil) across the upper part of
square M 14.
(74) L 14-15. The mountains on these squares, extending northward
onto K 15, were pencilled in very rapidly, and those to the
north of Tol Galen were possibly cancelled.
*
I turn now to the development of the chapter Of Beleriand and its
Realms. The great majority of the changes made to the text of QS
(Chapter 9, V258-66, $$105-21) are found in the early typescript
LQ 1, but some are not, and appear only in LQ 2: these cases are
noticed in the account that follows. I do not record the changes
Melko > Melkor, Helkarakse > Helkaraxe, Bladorion > Ard-galen,
Eglorest > Eglarest.
$105. After the words 'in the ancient days' at the end of the first
sentence the following footnote was added to QS. As usual, the
typist of LQ 1 took up the footnote into the text, but it appears as a
footnote in LQ 2, whose typist was again working directly from the
manuscript.
These matters, which are not in the Pennas of Pengolod, I have
added and taken from the Dorgannas laur (the account of the
shapes of the lands of old that Torhir Ifant made and is kept in
Eressea), that those who will may understand more clearly,
maybe, what is later said of their princes and their wars: quoth
AElfwine.
On the Pennas of Pengolod see V.201-4.
'These Melko built in the elder days' > 'These Melkor had built
in ages past'
$106. Hisilome was written in the margin of the manuscript against -
Hithlum in the text (the latter not struck out). This is not in LQ 1,
but LQ 2 has 'Hithlum (Hisilome)' in the text.
Eredlomin > the Eryd Lammad. This form (not in LQ 1) has not
occurred before, and is not (I believe) found elsewhere: in $105
Eredlomin was left unchanged.
'And Nivrost was a pleasant land watered by the wet winds from
the sea, and sheltered from the North, whereas the rest of Hithlum
was open to the cold winds' was struck out and replaced by the
following (which does not appear in LQ 1):
And Nivrost was by some held to belong rather to Beleriand than
to Hithlum, for it was a milder land, watered by the wet winds
from the Sea and sheltered from the North and East, whereas
Hithlum was open to cold north-winds. But it was a hollow land,
surrounded by mountains and great coast-cliffs higher than the
plains behind, and no river flowed thence. Wherefore there was a
great mere amidmost, and it had no certain shores, being
encircled by wide marshes. Linaewen was the name of that mere,
because of the multitude of birds that dwelt there, of such as love
tall reeds and shallow pools. Now at the coming of the Noldor
many of the Grey-elves (akin to those of the Falas) lived still in
Nivrost, nigh to the coasts, and especially about Mount Taras in
the south-west; for to that place Ulmo and Osse had been wont to
come in days of old. All that folk took Turgon for their lord, and
so it came to pass that in Nivrost the mingling of Noldor and
Sindar began sooner than elsewhere; and Turgon dwelt long in
those halls that he named Vinyamar, under Mount Taras beside
the Sea. There it was that Ulmo afterwards appeared to him.
This passage introduced a number of new elements: the topography
of Nivrost (the high coast-cliffs are represented on the second map
as originally drawn, p. 182), and Lake Linaewen (which appears
also in the later Tale of Tuor, Unfinished Tales p. 25, with the same
description of Nivrost as a 'hollow land'); the coming of Ulmo and
Osse to Mount Taras in the ancient days; and the conception that
Sindarin Elves dwelt in Nivrost near the coast and especially about
Mount Taras, and that they took Turgon to be their lord at the
coming of the Noldor to Middle-earth. The later story that there
were many Grey-elves among Turgon's people appears in the
rewritten annal for the year 116 in GA (see $$107, 113 and the
commentary on those passages).
The footnote in the QS manuscript 'Ilkorin name' to the sentence
'the great highland that the Gnomes first named Dorthonion' was
struck out, and in the text 'Gnomes' was changed to 'Dark-elves'.
The extent of Dorthonion from west to east was changed from 'a
hundred leagues' to 'sixty leagues'; on this change, made to bring
the distance into harmony with the second map, see V.272.
$107. The length of Sirion from the pass to the Delta was changed
from 'one hundred and twenty-one leagues' to 'one hundred and
thirty-one leagues'. The former measurement (see V.272) was the
length of Sirion in a straight line from the northern opening of
the Pass to the Delta; the new measurement is from Eithel Sirion to
the Delta.
$108. A footnote was added to the first occurrence of Eredlindon:
Which signifieth the Mountains of Ossiriand; for the Gnomes
[LQ 2 Noldor] called that land Lindon, the region of music, and
they first saw these mountains from Ossiriand. But their right
name was Eredluin the Blue Mountains, or Luindirien the Blue
Towers.
This note, which may go back to a time near to the writing of QS,
has been given and discussed in V.267, $108. The last five words
were struck out on the manuscript and do not appear in LQ 1, the
typist of which put the footnote into the body of the text and
garbled the whole passage, which however remained uncorrected.
The words 'quoth AElfwine' were added to the manuscript at the end
of the footnote, but appear only in LQ 2.
'a tangled forest' > 'Taur-im-Duinath, a tangled forest' (of the
land between Sirion and Gelion south of the Andram; see under
$113 below). On the second map this region is named Taur i
Melegyrn or Taur na Chardhin (see p. 185).
'while that land lasted' > 'while their realm lasted'
$109. The extent of West Beleriand between Sirion and the Sea was
changed from 'seventy leagues' to 'ninety-nine leagues', another
change harmonising the distance with the second map (see V.272).
In 'the realm of Nargothrond, between Sirion and Narog' 'Sirion'
was changed to 'Taiglin'.
$110. From the words 'first the empty lands' at the beginning of the
paragraph all that followed in QS as far as 'Next southward lay the
kingdom of Doriath' was struck out and replaced by the following
on an attached rider:
first between Sirion and Mindeb the empty land of Dimbar under
the peaks of the Crissaegrim, abode of eagles, south of Gondolin
(though that was for long unknown); then between Mindeb and
the upper waters of Esgalduin the no-land of Nan Dungorthin.
And that region was filled with fear, for upon its one side the
power of Melian fenced the north-march of Doriath, but upon the
other side the sheer precipices of Ered Orgoroth [> Orgorath],
mountains of terror, fell down from high Dorthonion. Thither
Ungoliante had fled from the whips of the Balrogs, and had dwelt
there a while, filling the hideous ravines with her deadly gloom,
and there still, when she had passed away, her foul broods lurked
and wove their evil nets; and the thin waters that spilled from
Ered Orgoroth [> Orgorath] were all defiled, and perilous to
drink, for the hearts of those that tasted them were filled with
shadows of madness and despair. All living things shunned that
land, and the Noldor would pass through Nan Dungorthin only
at great need, by paths nigh to the borders of Doriath, and
furthest from the haunted hills.
But if one fared that way he came eastward across Esgalduin
and Aros (and Dor Dinen the silent land between) to the North
Marches of Beleriand, where the sons of Feanor dwelt. But
southward lay the kingdom of Doriath...
On the name Crissaegrim (which occurs, in the spelling Crisaegrim,
in GA $161) see V.290, $147. In this passage is the first appearance
of Dor Dinen 'the Silent Land' (added to the map p. 183, square
D 10). The story that Ungoliante dwelt in Nan Dungorthin when she
fled from the Balrogs appears in the Annals of Aman (X.109, 123;
cf. also X.297, $20).
'where he turned westward' (with reference to the river Esgal-
duin) ) 'where it turned westward'.
$111. The marginal note to the name Thargelion 'or Radhrost' was
changed to 'Radhrost in the tongue of Doriath.'
'This region the Elves of Doriath named Umboth Muilin, the
Twilight Meres, for there were many mists' > 'This region the
Noldor named Aelinuial and the Dark-elves Umboth Muilin,
the Twilight Meres, for they were wrapped in mists', and the
footnote giving the Gnomish names Hithliniath and Aelin-uial was
struck out (thus LQ 1). Later emendation removed the words 'and
the Dark-elves Umboth Muilin' (thus LQ 2).
$112. The opening word 'For' was changed to 'Now'; and in the
following sentence 'Umboth Muilin' was changed to 'Aelin-uial'.
The passage beginning 'Yet all the lower plain of Sirion' was
changed to read thus: 'Yet all the lower fields of Sirion were divided
from the upper fields by this sudden fall, which to one looking from
the south northward appeared as an endless chain of hills'. In the
following sentence 'Narog came south through a deep gorge' >
'Narog came through these hills in a deep gorge'. (There is an error
in the text of this sentence as printed (V.262): 'on its west bank rose'
should read 'on its west bank the land rose'.)
$113. The last sentence of the paragraph (and the beginning of $114)
was rewritten to read:
But until that time all the wide woods south of the Andram and
between Sirion and Gelion were little known. Taur-im-Duinath,
the forest between the two rivers, the Gnomes [LQ 2 Noldor]
called that region, but few ever ventured in that wild land; and
east of it lay the far green country of Ossiriand...
On Taur-im-Duinath see under $108 above.
$114. At the name Adurant there is a footnote to the text in QS,
which like that in $108 may belong to a relatively early time (see my
remarks in the commentary, V.268):
And at a point nearly midway in its course the stream of Adurant
divided and joined again, enclosing a fair island; and this was
called Tolgalen, the Green Isle. There Beren and Luthien dwelt
after their return.
$115. The opening sentence of the paragraph was rewritten thus:
'There dwelt the Nandor, the Elves of the Host of Dan, who in the
beginning were of Telerian race, but forsook their lord Thingol
upon the march from Cuivienen ...' On the first appearance of the
name Nandor, a people originally from the host of the Noldor, see
X.169, $28.
'Of old the lord of Ossiriand was Denethor': 'son of Dan' added
after 'Denethor'. In the same sentence 'Melko' > 'Morgoth'.
It is notable that the phrase 'in the days when the Orcs were first
made' was never altered.
At the end of the paragraph was added: 'For which reason the
Noldor named that land Lindon', with a footnote '[The Country of
Music >] The Land of Song' (see under $108 above); and '(Here
endeth the matter taken from the Dorgannas)', on which see under
$105 above.
$116. The whole of the latter part of this paragraph, from after the
words 'But Turgon the wise, second son of Fingolfin, held Nivrost',
was struck out and the following substituted (which does not
appear in LQ 1):
(But Turgon the wise ... held Nivrost), and there he ruled a
numerous folk, both Noldor and Sindar, for one hundred years and
sixteen, until he departed in secret to a hidden kingdom, as
afterwards is told.'
This passage belongs with the long replacement in $106 given
above, which likewise does not appear in LQ 1.
$117. 'But Angrod and Egnor watched Bladorion' > 'His younger
brethren Angrod and Egnor watched the fields of Ard-galen'
$120. Tindobel (see V.270, commentary on QS $$119-20)
Ingildon (cf. GA $90 and commentary, p. 118).
*
These are all the changes (save for a very few of no significance) made
to the QS manuscript. A number of further changes were made to
the top copy of the late typescript LQ 2 (the carbon copy was not
touched).
The chapter-number 'XIV' was inserted (see p. 179, $100); and at
the head of the first page my father wrote: 'This is a geographical and
political insertion and may be omitted. It requires a map, of which I
have not had time to make a copy.' This sounds as if he were preparing
the LQ 2 typescript for someone to see it (cf. his words against $82 in
the chapter 'Of Men' in LQ 2: 'This depends upon an old version in
which the Sun was first made after the death of the Trees (described in
a chapter omitted)', p. 175); in which case the words here 'and may be
omitted' were much more probably advice to the presumed reader
than a statement of intention about the inclusion of the chapter in The
Silmarillion.
$105. Ered-engrin > Eryd Engrin
'(Utumno)... at the western end' > 'at the midmost'. This shift of
Utumno eastwards is implied in the hasty note pencilled on the LQ 2
text of Chapter 2, Of Valinor and the Two Trees, in which the story
entered that Angband also was built in the ancient days, 'not far
from the northwestern shores of the Sea' (see X.156, $12, and the
addition made to this paragraph, given below).
Eredwethion > Erydwethrin (and subsequently).
Eredlomin > Erydlomin. In LQ 2 $106 the name of the Echoing
Mountains is Eryd Lammad, following the change made to the QS
manuscript there (p. 192) but not here; and Eryd Lammad was
allowed to stand.
The passage 'Behind their walls Melkor coming back into Middle-
earth made the endless dungeons of Angband, the hells of iron,
where of old Utumno had been. But he made a great tunnel under
them...' was emended on LQ 2 to read:
Behind their walls Melkor had made also a fortress (after called
Angband) as a defence against the West, if any assault should
come from Valinor. This was in the command of Sauron. It was
captured by the Valar, and Sauron fled into hiding; but being in
haste to overthrow Melkor in his great citadel of Utumno, the
Valar did not wholly destroy Angband nor search out all its deep
places; and thither Sauron returned and many other creatures of
Melkor, and there they waited in hope for the return of their
Master. Therefore when he came back into Middle-earth Melkor
took up his abode in the endless dungeons of Angband, the hells
of iron; and he made a great tunnel under them...
$106. Nivrost > Nevrast (and subsequently; see p. 179, $100). The
footnote to the first occurrence of Nivrost 'Which is West Vale in the
tongue of Doriath' was struck out and replaced by the following:
Which is 'Hither Shore' in the Sindarin tongue, and was given at
first to all the coast-lands south of Drengist, but was later limited
to the land whose shores lay between Drengist and Mount Taras.
$108. To the name Taur-im-Duinath (a later addition to QS, p. 193)
a footnote was added: 'Forest between the Rivers (sc. Sirion and
Gelion)'. This interpretation occurs in fact in a rewriting of the QS
text at a later point: p. 195, $113.
$110. At the two occurrences of Nan Dungorthin in the long
replacement passage in this paragraph given on p. 193-4 the later
form Nan Dungortheb was substituted.
$111. Damrod and Diriel > Amrod and Amras, and in $118; cf.
X.177.
The revised footnote against the name Thargelion, 'Radhrost in
the tongue of Doriath' (p. 194), was struck out and not replaced (see
under $118 below).
Cranthir > Caranthir, and in $118; cf. X.177, 181.
$112. Taur-na-Faroth > Taur-en-Faroth at both occurrences.
Ingwil (the torrent joining Narog at Nargothrond) > Ringwil.
Inglor > Finrod (and subsequently).
$117. Finrod > Finarfin
$118. At the end of the paragraph Dor Granthir > Dor Caranthir; in
the footnote the same change was made, and Radhrost was replaced
by Talath Rhunen, the translation 'the East Vale' remaining. See
under $111 above.
$119. 'But Inglor was king of Nargothrond and overlord of the
Dark-elves of the western havens; and with his aid Brithombar and
Eglorest were rebuilt' was rewritten thus:
But Finrod was king of Nargothrond and over-lord of all the
Dark-elves of Beleriand between Sirion and the Sea, save only in
the Falas. There dwelt still those of the Sindar who still loved
ships and the Sea, and they had great havens at Brithombar and
Eglarest. Their lord was Cirdan the Shipbuilder. There was
friendship and alliance between Finrod and Cirdan, and with the
aid of the Noldor Brithombar and Eglarest were rebuilt...
Finrod (Inglor) now loses the overlordship of the Elves of the Falas,
with the emergence of Cirdan, but my father failed to correct the
earlier passage in QS ($109) telling that 'the Dark-elves of the
havens ... took Felagund, lord of Nargothrond, to be their king.'
The statement here in $119 agrees with what is said in GA $85 (see
also the commentary, p. 117).
$120. In the opening sentence of this paragraph the old name
Tindobel had been changed to Ingildon (p. 196); it was now
changed to Nimras (cf. Barad Nimras, the replacement of Tower of
Tindabel on the second map, p. 190, $62.
Some of the changes made to LQ 2 were made also to the much earlier
typescript LQ 1: Ringwil ($112), Talath Rhunen ($118), Nimras
($120). In addition, Dor Granthir was corrected to Dor Cranthir
($118), and the passage concerning the lordship of the Falas ($119)
was inserted, but still with the name Inglor: thus these changes were
not made at the same time as those in LQ 2, which has Dor Caranthir
and Finrod.
12. OF TURGON AND THE BUILDING OF GONDOLIN.
This short chapter on three manuscript pages, with this title but with-
out chapter-number, was inserted into the QS manuscript following
Of Beleriand and its Realms.
At an earlier point in the manuscript ($101 in the chapter Of the
Siege of Angband) a long rider was introduced on the subject of the
foundation of Nargothrond by Inglor and the discovery of Gondolin
by Turgon: see pp. 177 - 9. As I have explained there, this rider is
extant in two partially distinct forms, the first in the early LQ 1
typescript series, and the second on a sheet inserted into the QS
manuscript (whence it appears in the late typescript LQ 2). Without
question the new chapter (which does not appear in the LQ 1 series)
was written at the same time as the revised form of this rider to $101,
and it is to this that the opening words of the new chapter ('It hath
been told how by the guidance of Ulmo...') refer. (I have also noticed,
p. 179, that on the reverse of this rider is a rejected draft for the
replacement text of the year 116 in the Grey Annals, $$111 - 13; on
this see below, at the end of the third paragraph of the text.)
There is no need to give Of Turgon and the Building of Gondolin in
full, because, as will be seen shortly, a substantial part of it has been
given already.
Of Turgon and the Building of Gondolin.
It hath been told how by the guidance of Ulmo Turgon of
Nivrost discovered the hidden vale of Tum-laden; and that (as
was after known) lay east of the upper waters of Sirion, in a ring
of mountains tall and sheer, and no living thing came there save
the eagles of Thorondor. But there was a deep way under the
mountains delved in the darkness of the world by waters that
flowed out to join the stream of Sirion; and this Turgon found
and so came to the green plain amid the mountains, and saw the
island-hill that stood there of hard smooth stone; for the vale
had been a great lake in ancient days. Then Turgon knew that
he had found the place of his desire, and resolved there to build
a fair city, a memorial of Tirion upon Tuna, for which his heart
still yearned in exile. But he returned to Nivrost, and remained
there in peace, though he pondered ever in his thought how he
should accomplish his design.
The conclusion of this paragraph had already been used, but
abandoned before it was completed, at the end of the rider to QS
$101, p. 179.
Therefore, after the Dagor Aglareb, the unquiet that Ulmo set
in his heart returned to him, and he summoned many of the
hardiest and most skilled of his people and led them secretly to
the hidden vale, and there they began the building of the city
that Turgon had devised in his heart; and they set a watch all
about it that none might come upon their work from without,
and the power of Ulmo that ran in Sirion protected them.
In this second paragraph my father was following and all but simply
copying the revised annal for the year 64 in GA ($89); 'the hidden
vale' was substituted for 'Gondolin' of GA because Turgon was now
not to name his city until it was completed.
Now Turgon dwelt still for the most part in Nivrost, but it
came to pass that at last the City was full-wrought, after two
and fifty years of labour; and Turgon appointed its name, and it
was called Gondolin [in margin: the Hidden Rock]. Then
Turgon prepared to depart from Nivrost and leave his fair halls
beside the Sea; and there Ulmo came to him once again and
spake with him.
From this point the new Silmarillion chapter follows almost word
for word the replacement text of the annal for 116 in GA ($$111 - 13):
the words of Ulmo to Turgon, and the departure from Vinyamar to
Gondolin. The reason for this is simple: as I have noticed in the
commentary on GA $113 (p. 120), my father wrote against the revised
annal for 116: 'Set this rather in the Silmarillion and substitute a short
notice' (the proposed 'short notice' is given ibid.).
The text of the new chapter leaves that in the Grey Annals at the
words 'passed the gates in the mountains and they were shut behind
him'; the concluding words of GA $113 ('But Nivrost was empty of
folk and so remained until the ruin of Beleriand') were not repeated
here, but were brought in subsequently.
And through many long years none passed inward thereafter
(save Hurin and Handir only sent by Ulmo); and the host of
Turgon came never forth again until the Year of Lamentation
[struck out, probably at the time of writing: and the ruin of the
Noldor], after three hundred and fifty years and more. But
behind the circle of the mountains the folk of Turgon grew and
throve, and they put forth their skill in labour unceasing, so that
Gondolin upon Amon Gwareth became fair indeed and meet to
compare even with Elven Tirion beyond the Sea. High and
white were its walls, and smooth were its stairs, and tall and
strong was the Tower of the King. There shining fountains
played, and in the courts of Turgon stood images of the Trees of
old, which Turgon himself wrought with elven-craft; and the
Tree which he made of gold was named Glingal, and the Tree
whose flowers he made of silver was named Belthil, and the
light which sprang from them filled all the ways of the city. But
fairer than all the wonders of Gondolin was Idril Turgon's
daughter, she that was called Celebrindal the Silver-foot for the
whiteness of her unshod feet, but her hair was as the gold of
Laurelin ere the coming of Melkor. Thus Turgon lived long in
bliss greater than any that hath been east of the Sea; but Nivrost
was desolate, and remained empty of living folk until the ruin of
Beleriand; and elsewhere the shadow of Morgoth stretched out
its fingers from the North.
The opening sentence of this concluding section, with the reference
to the entry of Hurin and Handir of Brethil into Gondolin, shows that
it belongs with the original form of that story in the Grey Annals
($$149-50, and see the commentary, pp. 124 - 5); the later story that it
was Hurin and his brother Huor appears in the long rider GA
$$161-6.
This is the only account, brief as it is, of the actual city of Gondolin
that my father wrote after that in Q (IV.139 - 40) - although there are
also the notes that follow the abandoned text of the later Tale of Tuor
(Unfinished Tales p. 56, note 31). That the Trees of Gondolin were
images made by Turgon was stated in a footnote to Chapter 2 Of - '
Valinor and the Two Trees in QS (see V.210 - 11; X.155), and this is
repeated here - but with the addition that 'the light which sprang from
them filled all the ways of the city'.
There is only one other text of the new chapter, the LQ 2 typescript,
in which it is numbered 'XV' (see p. 196). To this my father made
some corrections: Nivrost > Nevrast as in the preceding chapters;
Eryd Wethion > Eryd Wethrin; Handir > Huor (see above); and
Amon Gwareth > Amon Gwared. The marginal note rendering
Gondolin as 'the Hidden Rock' was placed in a footnote in LQ 2,
which my father then extended as follows:
Or so its name was afterwards known and interpreted; but its
ancient form and meaning are in doubt. It is said that the name was
given first in Quenya (for that language was spoken in Turgon's
house), and was Ondolinde, the Rock of the Music of Water, for
there were fountains upon the hill. But the people (who spoke only
the Sindarin tongue) altered this name to Gondolin and interpreted
[it] to mean Hidden Rock: Gond dolen in their own speech.
With the interpretation of Quenya Ondolinde as 'Rock of the Music
of Water' cf. the early translation of Gondolin as 'Stone of Song' in the
name-list to the tale of The Fall of Gondolin (II.216); and with the
interpretation 'Hidden Rock' cf. the Etymologies in Vol.V, p. 355,
stem DUL, where Gondolin(n) is said to contain three elements: 'heart
of hidden rock'.
13. CONCERNING THE DWARVES.
The reason for this title will be seen at the end of the chapter (pp.
213-14). To the original Chapter 10 Of Men and Dwarfs in the QS
manuscript (V272-6, $$122-31) only a few changes were made
before a radical revision overtook it.
$122. 'whom the Dark-elves named Naug-rim' > 'whom they named
the Naug-rim', i.e. this became a Noldorin name for the Dwarves
given to them by Cranthir's people.
$123. The marginal note 'quoth Pengolod' against the bracketed
passage concerning the origin and nature of the Dwarves was struck
out (see V.277-8, $123).
$124. 'Nogrod, the Dwarfmine': above 'Dwarfmine' is pencilled
'Dwarrowdelf', and in the margin again 'Dwarrowdelf Nogrod
was afar off in the East in the Mountains of Mist; and Belegost was
in Eredlindon south of Beleriand.' At the head of the page, with a
direction for insertion in the text after 'Belegost, the Great Fortress'
the following is written very rapidly:
Greatest of these was Khazaddum that was after called in the days
of its darkness Moria, and it was far off in the east in the
Mountains of Mist; but Gabilgathol was on [the] east side of
Eredlindon and within reach of the Elves.
In the text of QS as written Nogrod (which goes back to the old Tale
of the Nauglafring) is a translation of Khazaddum, and the meaning
is 'Dwarfmine'; both Nogrod and Belegost (Gabilgathol) are
specifically stated (QS $122) to have been 'in the mountains east of
Thargelion', and were so placed in additions to the second map. In
The Lord of the Rings Khazad-dum is Moria, and Nogrod and
Belegost are 'ancient cities in the Blue Mountains' (Appendix A, III).
The notes in the margin of QS just given must represent an idea that
was not adopted, whereby Belegost remained in Eredlindon, but
Nogrod / Khazad-dum was removed to the Misty Mountains, and
Nogrod became the ancient Elvish name of Moria.
The statement in the first of these notes that 'Belegost was in
Eredlindon south of Beleriand' is surprising: it seems to represent a
reversion to the older conception of the place of the Dwarf-cities:
see the Eastward Extension of the first Silmarillion map, IV.231,
where the dwarf-road after crossing the Blue Mountains below
Mount Dolmed turns south and goes off the map in the south-east
corner, with the direction 'Southward in East feet of Blue Mountains
are Belegost and Nogrod.'
$126. Against the words in the first sentence of the paragraph 'when
some four hundred years were gone since the Gnomes came to
Beleriand' my father noted: 'This must be removed to 300', changed
to '310'. See p. 226, $1.
$127. 'They were the first of Men that wandering west' > 'They were
the first of Men that after many lives of wandering westward'
Gumlin > Galion (see p. 123, $127).
$128. The footnote was changed to read:
It is recorded that this name was Vidri in the ancient speech of
these Men, which is now forgotten; for afterwards in Beleriand
they forsook their own speech for the tongue of the Gnomes.
Quoth Pengolod.
In the sentence following the place of the footnote 'whom we call
the Gnomes' was changed to '(whom we here call the Gnomes)'.
$129. 'the lordship of Gumlin was in Hithlum' > 'the lordship of
Galion was in Dorlomen'
Throughout the text the form Duarfs (see V.277, $122) was changed
to Dwarves.
*
The next step was the striking out of the entire text of Chapter 10
from the beginning as far as 'Hador the Goldenhaired' at the end of
$125, and the substitution of a new and much enlarged form, carefully
written and inserted into the QS manuscript. This has a few subse-
quent emendations (almost all made at the same time in red ink), and
these are shown in the text that now follows. One of these emenda-
tions concerns the title itself. As the revised version was first written
the title was Of Dwarves and Men, with a subtitle Concerning the
Dwarves (but no subtitle where the section on Men begins). The title
was struck out, and replaced by Of the Naugrim and the Edain; the
subtitle Concerning the Dwarves was retained; and a new subtitle Of
the Edain was inserted at the appropriate place.
In order not to interrupt the numbering of the QS text in Vol.V, for
reference in the commentary that follows the text I number the para-
graphs of the revised version from $1. - It will be seen that the opening
paragraph repeats almost exactly that of QS ($122), but loses the
original concluding sentence: 'For though the Dwarfs did not serve
Morgoth, yet they were in some things more like to his people than to
the Elves.'
Of the Naugrim and the Edain.
Concerning the Dwarves.
$1. Now in time the building of Nargothrond was com-
pleted, and Gondolin had been raised in secret; but in the days
of the Siege of Angband the Gnomes had yet small need of
hiding-places, and they ranged far and wide between the
Western Sea and the Blue Mountains. And it is said that they
climbed Eredlindon and looked eastward in wonder, for the
lands of Middle-earth seemed wild and wide; but few ever
passed over the mountains while Angband lasted. In those days
the folk of Cranthir first came upon the Dwarves, whom they
[> the Dark-elves] named the Naugrim; for the chief dwellings
of that race were then in the mountains east of Thargelion, the
land of Cranthir, and were digged deep in the eastern slopes of
Eredlindon. Thence they journeyed often into Beleriand, and
were admitted even into Doriath. There was at that time no
enmity between Elves and Dwarves, but nonetheless no great
love.
Here are the words of Pengolod concerning the Naugrim.*
$2. The Naugrim are not of Elf-kind, nor of Man-kind, nor
yet of Melkor's breeding; and the Noldor in Middle-earth knew
not whence they came, holding that they were alien to the
Children, albeit in many ways like unto them. But in Valinor
the wise have learned that the Dwarves were made in secret by
Aule, while Earth was yet dark; for he desired the coming of
the Children of Iluvatar, that he might have learners to whom he
could teach his crafts and lore, and he was unwilling to await
the fulfilment of the designs of Iluvatar. Wherefore, though
the Dwarves are like the Orcs in this: that they came of the
wilfulness of one of the Valar, they are not evil; for they were
not made out of malice in mockery of the Children, but came of
the desire of Aule's heart to make things of his own after the
(* All that follows in the section 'Concerning the Dwarves' is written in a
much smaller script than that of the opening paragraph.)
pattern of the designs of Iluvatar. And since they came in the
days of the power of Melkor, Aule made them strong to endure.
Therefore they are stone-hard, stubborn, fast in friendship and
in enmity, and they suffer toil and hunger and hurt of body
more hardily than all other speaking-folk. And they live long,
far beyond the span of Men, and yet not for ever. Aforetime the
Noldor held that dying they returned unto the earth and the
stone of which they were made; yet that is not their own belief.
For they say that Aule cares for them and gathers them in
Mandos in halls set apart for them, and there they wait, not in
idleness but in the practice of crafts and the learning of yet
deeper lore. And Aule, they say, declared to their Fathers of old
that Iluvatar had accepted from him the work of his desire, and
that Iluvatar will hallow them and give them a place among the
Children in the End. Then their part shall be to serve Aule and
to aid him in the re-making of Arda after the Last Battle.
$3. Now these Fathers, they say, were seven in number, and
they alone return (in the manner of the Quendi) to live again in
their own kin and to bear once more their ancient names. Of
these Durin was the most renowned in after ages, father of that
Dwarf-kin most friendly to the Elves whose mansions were at
Khazad-dum.
$4. In the darkness of Arda already the Naugrim wrought
great works, for they had, even from the first days of their
Fathers, marvellous skill with metals and with stone, though
their works had little beauty until they had met the Noldor and
learned somewhat of their arts. And they gave their friendship
more readily to the Noldor than to any others of Elves or Men,
because of their love and reverence for Aule; and the gems of the
Gnomes they praised above all other wealth. But in that ancient . ':
time the Dwarves still wrought iron and copper rather than
silver and gold; and the making of weapons and gear of war was
their chief smith-craft. They it was that first devised mail of
linked rings, and in the making of byrnies and of hauberks none
among Elves or Men have proved their equals. Thus they aided
the Eldar greatly in their war with the Orcs of Morgoth; though
the Noldor believed that some of that folk would not have been
loath to smithy also for Morgoth, had he been in need of their
work or open to their trade. For buying and selling and ex-
change were their delight, and the winning of wealth thereby;
and this they gathered rather to hoard than to use, save in
further trading.
$5. The Naugrim were ever, as they still remain, short and
squat in stature; they were deep-breasted, strong in the arm,
and stout in the leg, and their beards were long. Indeed this
strangeness they have that no Man nor Elf has ever seen a
beardless Dwarf - unless he were shaven in mockery, and would
then be more like to die of shame than of many other hurts that
to us would seem more deadly. For the Naugrim have beards
from the beginning of their lives, male and female alike; nor
indeed can their womenkind be discerned by those of other
race, be it in feature or in gait or in voice, nor in any wise save
this: that they go not to war, and seldom save at direst need
issue from their deep bowers and halls. It is said, also, that their
womenkind are few, and that save their kings and chieftains few
Dwarves ever wed; wherefore their race multiplied slowly, and
now is dwindling.
$6. The father-tongue of the Dwarves Aule himself devised
for them, and their languages have thus no kinship with those of
the Quendi. The Dwarves do not gladly teach their tongue to
those of alien race; and in use they have made it harsh and
intricate, so that of those few whom they have received in full
friendship fewer still have learned it well. But they themselves
learn swiftly other tongues, and in converse they use as they
?may the speech of Elves and Men with whom they deal. Yet in
secret they use their own speech only, and that (it is said) is slow
to change; so that even their realms and houses that have been
long and far sundered may to this day well understand one
another. In ancient days the Naugrim dwelt in many mountains
of Middle-earth, and there they met mortal Men (they say) long
ere the Eldar knew them; whence it comes that of the tongues of
the Easterlings many show kinship with Dwarf-speech rather
than with the speeches of the Elves.*
$7. In their own tongue the Dwarves name themselves
Khuzud [> Khazad]; and the Dark-elves called them / the
Naugrim [> Naug], the stunted. Which name the exiled Noldor
also used [> likewise took for them], but called them also the
Nyrn [struck out: of like meaning], and the Gonnhirrim masters
of stone; and those who dwelt in Belegost they called the
Ennfeng or Longbeards, for their beards swept the floor before
their feet. The chief cities of the Khuzud [> Khazad] in the west
of Middle-earth in those days were at Khazaddum, and at
(* [Marginal note] Thus the Lammas.)
Gabilgathol and Tumunzahar, which are interpreted in the
Gnomish tongue Nornhabar the Dwarrowdelf, and Belegost
Mickleburg, and Nogrod the Hollowbold. Greatest of all the
mansions of the Naugrim was Khazaddum, that was after called
in the days of its darkness Moria, but it was far off in the
Mountains of Mist beyond the wide leagues of Eriador; whereas
Belegost and Nogrod were upon the east side of Eredlindon and
nigh to the lands of the Eldar. Yet few of the Elves, save Meglin
of Gondolin, went ever thither; and the Dwarves trafficked into
Beleriand, and made a great road that passed under the
shoulders of Mount Dolmed and followed thence the course of
Ascar, crossing Gelion at Sarn-athrad. There battle later befell;
but as yet the Dwarves troubled the Elves little, while the power
of the Gnomes lasted.
$8. Here end the words that Pengolod spoke to me concern-
ing the Dwarves, which are not part of the Pennas as it was.
written, but come from other books of lore, from the Lammas,
the Dorgannas, and the Quentale Ardanomion: quoth AElfwine.
Of the Edain.
$9. It is reckoned that the first meeting of the Noldor and the
Naugrim befell in the land of Cranthir Feanor's son about that
time when Fingolfin destroyed the Orcs at Drengist, one hun-
dred and fifty-five years after the crossing of the Ice, and one
hundred and five before the first coming of Glomund the
dragon. After his defeat there was long peace, and it lasted for
wellnigh two hundred years of the sun. During this time
the fathers of the Houses of the Men of the West, the Atani
[> Edain], the Elf-friends of old, were born in the land of
Eriador east of the mountains: Beor the Vassal, Haleth the
Hunter, and Hador the Goldenhaired.
Here the revised part of QS Chapter 10 ends. It will be seen that
while it was composed with the original QS text before him and with
the actual retention of some of it, my father now introduced many new
conceptions concerning the Dwarves. The long-enduring 'hostile' view
has at last virtually vanished, with the loss of the sentence at the end of
the first paragraph (see p. 203) - although in the original QS text the
likeness of Orcs and Dwarves was subsequently ($123) spoken of only
in terms of the analogous origin of the two races, each deriving from
one of the Valar acting independently, and this remains in the revision.
We learn now that:
the Dwarves live far longer than Men ($2);
- they themselves believe that Aule gathers them after their death
into halls in Mandos set apart, and that after the Last Battle they
will aid Aule in the remaking of Arda ($2);
- there were Seven Fathers of the Dwarves, who are reincarnated in
their own kin (after the manner of the Elves), bearing their ancient
names ($3);
- Durin was the father of the Dwarf-kindred of Khazad-dum, most
friendly to the Elves ($3);
- the Dwarves were better disposed to the Noldor than to any others
among Elves or Men on account of their reverence of Aule ($4);
- the Dwarves are bearded from birth, both male and female ($5);
- Dwarf-women cannot be distinguished from the men by those of
other race ($5);
- Dwarf-women are very few, and never go to war, nor leave their
deep homes save at the greatest need ($5);
- few Dwarves ever wed ($5);
- the Dwarf-speech changes only very slowly, so that sundering of
houses and realms does not greatly impair understanding between
them ($6);
- Dwarves met Men in Middle-earth long before the Eldar met them,
and hence there is kinship between Dwarf-speech and the lan-
guages of the Easterling Men ($6).
This revised version was of course a part of the 1951 revision. There
are notable likenesses to what is said in the Appendices to The Lord of
the Rings concerning the Dwarves: thus in Appendix A, III (Durin's
Folk) there are references to the fewness of Dwarf-women, who
remain hidden in their dwellings, to the indistinguishability of Dwarf-
women from Dwarf-men to people of other races, and to the rarity of
marriage (III.360); and in Appendix F (III.410) the slow changing of
their tongue is described.
There follows now a commentary on particular points.
$1. The change made to the original QS text (p. 201, $122) of 'whom
the Dark-elves named Naug-rim' to 'whom they [the Noldor]
named the Naug-rim' was now reversed, by a subsequent emenda-
tion (later, in $7, the attribution of the name to the Dark-elves
appears in the text as written).
$2. 'And since they came in the days of the power of Melkor': i.e.,
before the awakening of the Elves, the Battle of the Gods, and the
captivity of Melkor in Mandos.
$3. It is here that Durin of Khazad-dum, 'most renowned' of the
Seven Fathers of the Dwarves, enters The Silmarillion. It is not said
here that Durin's people were the Longbeards; but his association
with the Longbeards goes back in fact to The Hobbit, where at the
end of the chapter A Short Rest Thorin says (in the text as originally
published): 'He was the father of the fathers of one of the two races
of dwarves, the Longbeards, and my grandfather's ancestor.' In the
Tale of the Nauglafring there were the two peoples, the Dwarves of
Nogrod and the Dwarves of Belegost, and the latter were the
Indrafangs or Longbeards; in the Quenta the same was true (or at
least, no other peoples were mentioned), although the Longbeards
had become the Dwarves of Nogrod (IV.104), and this remained the
case in QS ($124).
In the present text two things are said on the subject. Durin was
'the father of that Dwarf-kin ... whose mansions were at Khazad-
dum' ($3); but (reverting to the Tale of the Nauglafring) the
Longbeards were the Dwarves of Belegost ($7) - and this is said also
both in the Annals of Aman and in the Grey Annals (see p. 108, $22).
I am not altogether certain how to interpret this; but the simplest
solution is to suppose that when my father wrote these texts he had
forgotten Thorin's mention of Durin as the ancestor of the Long-
beards in The Hobbit (or, less probably, that he consciously dis-
regarded it), and the following considerations support it.
At the beginning of the section Durin's Folk in Appendix A (III) to
The Lord of the Rings the reading of the First Edition was: 'Durin is
the name that the Dwarves use for the eldest of the Seven Fathers of
all their race', without mention of the Longbeards. Years later, on
his copy of the second edition of The Hobbit, my father noted: 'Not
so in Silmarillion nor see [sic] LR III p. 352' - this being a reference
to the passage just cited from Appendix A in the First Edition: what
was 'not so' was Thorin's reference to 'one of the two races of
dwarves', become obsolete since the emergence of the conception of
the Seven Fathers. At the same time he wrote on this copy many
tentative phrases to replace Thorin's original words, such as 'the
eldest of the Seven Fathers of the Dwarves', 'the father of the fathers
of the eldest line of the Dwarf-kings, the Longbeards', before
arriving at the final form as subsequently published, 'He was the
father of the fathers of the eldest race of Dwarves, the Longbeards,
and my first ancestor: I am his heir.' It was obviously considera-
tion of Thorin's words in The Hobbit and the need for their
correction that led him to alter the text of Appendix A, which in the
Second Edition (1966) reads: 'Durin is the name that the Dwarves
used for the eldest of the Seven Fathers of their race, and the
ancestor of all the kings of the Longbeards', with the addition of a
footnote reference to the passage in The Hobbit, now published in
its corrected form.
Thus, circuitously, the Longbeards finally entered The Lord of the
Rings, as the Dwarves of Khazad-dum; but the texts of The
Silmarillion and the Annals were never changed, and the Long-
beards remained the Dwarves of Belegost.
$6. The marginal note 'Thus the Lammas' apparently refers speci-
fically to the statement in the text concerning the kinship of
languages of the Easterlings with Dwarf-speech. Cf. V.179 (Lham-
mas $9): 'the languages of Men are derived in part from them' (the
tongues of the Dwarves); this was repeated in the footnote to QS
$123, from which the present paragraph was developed, and which
also has a marginal note 'So, the Lhammas'.
$7. The names and places of the Dwarf-cities now achieve almost
their final form, and I recapitulate here the complex development:
QS original form, $124 (V.274)
Khazad-dum = Nogrod = Dwarfmine (in the Blue Mountains)
Gabilgathol = Belegost = Great Fortress
QS original form emended, p. 201
Khazad-dum = Nogrod = Dwarrowdelf, later Moria
Gabilgathol = Belegost = Great Fortress
QS revised version, $7
Tumunzahar = Nogrod = Hollowbold (in the Blue Mountains)
Gabilgathol = Belegost = Mickleburg
Khazad-dum = Nornhabar = Dwarrowdelf, later Moria
The Dwarvish name Tumunzahar of Nogrod appears in GA $19,
but this is the first occurrence of the Elvish name Nornhabar.
Of the names of the Dwarves themselves, there first occur here
Gonnhirrim masters of stone, and Nyrn (cf. Nornwaith in AAm,
X.93, Norn-folk in GA $19, and the name Nornhabar of Khazad-
dum). Naugrim is now said to mean 'stunted', and Nyrn is 'of like
meaning', though this statement was struck out; in the original text
($124) Neweg = 'stunted'. In addition, Khuzud was subsequently
changed to Khazad, and Naugrim to Naug. I give here a summary of
the development of these confusing names and forms:
Tale of the Nauglafring. Nauglath.
Q. Nauglir.
AB 1 (IV.311). Nauglar (also in the List of Names, V.405:
Dark-elvish name, adopted by the
Gnomes).
QS (original form). Naugrim (Dark-elvish name > (p. 201)
Gnomish name).
Neweg 'stunted' (Gnomish name).
QS (revised version). Naugrim (> Naug) 'stunted' (Gnomish
name > Dark-elvish name, adopted by
the Gnomes).
Nyrn (Gnomish name, 'stunted' - but this
meaning rejected).
AAm. Nauglath > Naugrim
Nornwaith (later rejected, X.106, $84)
GA. Naugrim
Norn-folk ($19).
An important element in this revised section remains to be mentioned:
at this stage the myth of the creation of the Dwarves lacked the
element of the Fathers being laid to sleep, by the command of Iluvatar,
after their first arising. This is apparent from the text as it stands; and
the entry of this element will be seen in a moment.
The next text was the typescript of the LQ 1 series, which followed
the manuscript text exactly (but the changes of Khuzud > Khazad and
Naugrim > Naug in $7 do not appear, nor in LQ 2), and after the first
paragraph of the section Of the Edain ($9), where the revised version
ends, followed the original text of QS, with the very few alterations
that were made to it and which have been given on pp. 201-2.
The opening of 'the words of Pengolod [> Pengolod] concerning the
Naugrim' ($2) were struck out, long afterwards, on LQ 1, as far as
'the desire of Aule's heart to make things of his own after the pattern
of the designs of Iluvatar.' Associated with the QS manuscript at this
point are two pages headed 'Of Aule and the Dwarves', enclosed in a
paper wrapper bearing the words 'Amended Legend of Origin of
Dwarves'; this begins as a good manuscript but breaks up into
confusion and variant forms. A new text was written out fair in a late
script of my father's, without title, and attached to LQ 1 as a
replacement for the passage struck out; it begins thus, differing little
from the rejected form:
The Naugrim are not of the Elf-kind, nor of Man-kind, nor yet of
Melkor's breeding; and the Noldor, when they met them in
Middle-earth, knew not whence they came, holding that they were
alien to the Children, although in many ways they resembled them.
But here in Valinor we have learned that in their beginning the
Dwarves were made by Aule, while Earth was still dark; for Aule
desired the coming of the Children so greatly, to have learners to
whom he could teach his lore and his crafts, that he was unwilling
to await the fulfilment of the designs of Iluvatar.
The remainder of the text will be found in the published Silmarillion,
Chapter 2 Of Aule and Yavanna, pp. 43 - 4, to its end at 'Then Aule
took the Seven Fathers of the Dwarves, and laid them to rest in
far-sundered places; and he returned to Valinor, and waited while the
long years lengthened.' There are a number of insignificant editorial
alterations in the published text, and among them one point should be
mentioned: my father was uncertain whether to use 'thou' or 'you' in
the converse of Aule with Iluvatar (in one case he changed 'you may'
to 'thou mayst' and then reverted to 'you may'). In the end he decided
on 'you', whereas the published text has 'thou' throughout.
At the end of the insertion the chapter continues with 'Since they
came in the days of the power of Melkor ...' (p. 204), but con-
comitantly with the introduction of the new form of the legend, in
which the Fathers of the Dwarves were laid to sleep until after the
awakening of the Elves and the imprisonment of Melkor, this was
changed on LQ 1 to 'Since they were to come ...' The only other
significant alteration made to LQ 1 was in the opening sentence of $3,
which was changed to read: 'Now these Seven Fathers, they say, return
to live again and to bear once more their ancient names.' It might be
expected that my father would have made some change to the opening
sentence of $4 after the entry of the new form of the legend, but he was
evidently content with an internal shift of meaning: 'even from the first
days of their Fathers' is to be understood as 'even from the first days of
their Fathers when they awoke from their sleep'.
The earlier of the two texts of the inserted passage shows my father
much exercised about the details of the making of the first Dwarves.
Thus there are the following tentative and roughly-written passages:
(a). But it is said that to each Dwarf Iluvatar added a mate of
female kind, yet because he would not amend the work
of Aule, and Aule had yet made only things of male form,
therefore the women of the Dwarves resemble their men more
than all other [? speaking] races.
(b). He wrought in secret in a hall under the mountains in Middle-
earth. There he made first one Dwarf, the eldest of all, and
after he made six others, the fathers of their race; and then he
began to make others again, like to them but of female kind to
be their mates. But he wearied, and when he [had] made six
more he rested, and he returned to the seven fathers and he
looked at them, and they looked at him, and whatever motion
was in his thought that motion they performed. And Aule was
not pleased, but he began to teach them the language that he
had designed for them, hoping thus to instruct them.
But Iluvatar knew all that was done, and in the very hour
that the Eldest Dwarf first spoke with tongue, Iluvatar spoke to
Aule; and Aule
(c). Aule made one, and then six, and he began to make mates for
them of female form, and he made six, and then he wearied.
Thus he buried six pairs, but one (Durin) the eldest he laid
alone.
(d). And Aule took the Seven Dwarves and laid them to rest under
stone in far-sundered places, and beside each [of] them he laid
a mate as the Voice bade him, and then he returned to Valinor.
(e). Then Aule took the Seven Dwarves and laid them to rest under
stone in far-sundered places, and beside each he laid his mate,
save only beside the Eldest, and he lay alone. And Aule re-
turned to Valinor and waited long as best he might. But it is
not known when Durin or his brethren first awoke, though
some think that it was at the time of the departure of the Eldar
over sea.
With passage (b) cf. the essay on Orcs in Vol.X, p. 417:
But if [Melkor] had indeed attempted to make creatures of his own
in imitation or mockery of the Incarnates, he would, like Aule, only
have succeeded in producing puppets: his creatures would have
acted only while the attention of his will was upon them, and they
would have shown no reluctance to execute any command of his,
even if it were to destroy themselves.
In the final text, as printed in The Silmarillion, my father evidently
abandoned the question of the origin of the female Dwarves, finding it
intractable and the solutions unsatisfactory. Moreover in the finished
form the element of the Eldest (Durin) being distinct from the others,
and without mate, finds no place.
There is another version of the legend in the draft continuation (not
sent) of a letter to Miss Rhona Beare dated 14 October 1958 (The
Letters of J. R. R. Tolkien no.212); arid here appears the idea of the
one and the six, and the six mates of the six, making thirteen in all. I
reprint the passage here, since it may not be readily available.
Aule, for instance, one of the Great, in a sense 'fell'; for he so desired
to see the Children, that he became impatient and tried to anticipate
the will of the Creator. Being the greatest of all craftsmen he tried to
make children according to his imperfect knowledge of their kind.
When he had made thirteen,* God spoke to him in anger, but not
without pity: for Aule had done this thing not out of evil desire to
have slaves and subjects of his own, but out of impatient love,
desiring children to talk to and teach, sharing with them the praise
of Iluvatar and his great love of the materials of which the world is
made.
The One rebuked Aule, saying that he had tried to usurp the
Creator's power; but he could not give independent life to his
makings. He had only one life, his own derived from the One, and
could at most only distribute it. 'Behold' said the One: 'these
creatures of thine have only thy will, and thy movement. Though
you have devised a language for them, they can only report to thee
thine own thought. This is a mockery of me.'
Then Aule in grief and repentance humbled himself and asked for
pardon. And he said: 'I will destroy these images of my presump-
tion, and wait upon thy will.' And he took a great hammer, raising it
to smite the eldest of his images; but it flinched and cowered from
him. And as he withheld his stroke, astonished, he heard the
laughter of Iluvatar.
(* One, the eldest, alone, and six more with six mates.)
'Do you wonder at this?' he said. 'Behold! thy creatures now live,
free from thy will! For I have seen thy humility, and taken pity on
your impatience. Thy making I have taken up into my design.'
This is the Elvish legend of the making of the Dwarves; but the
Elves report that Iluvatar said thus also: 'Nonetheless I will not
suffer my design to be forestalled: thy children shall not awake
before mine own.' And he commanded Aule to lay the fathers of the
Dwarves severally in deep places, each with his mate, save Durin the
eldest who had none. There they should sleep long, until Iluvatar
bade them awake. Nonetheless there has been for the most part little
love between the Dwarves and the children of Iluvatar. And of the
fate that Iluvatar has set upon the children of Aule beyond the
Circles of the world Elves and men know nothing, and if Dwarves
know they do not speak of it.
It seems to me virtually certain that all this work on the later legend of
Aule and the Dwarves derives from the same time, and it is obvious
that this letter belongs with the first or draft text from which extracts
are given on pp. 211-12, preceding the final text attached to LQ 1 and
printed in The Silmarillion. That text was incorporated in LQ 2 as
typed, and for that typescript I have proposed (on wholly distinct
grounds) 1958 as the approximate date (see X.141-2, 300). This, I
think, fits well enough with the date of the letter (October 1958). It
seems likely that my father revised the existing Silmarillion materials
pari passu with the making of the typescript LQ 2, carried out under
his guidance.
As already noticed (see p. 210), the original QS text (lightly
emended) in the second part of the chapter, that concerned with the
Edain, was followed in the early typescript LQ 1. At a later time the
whole of the section on the Edain was struck through both on the QS
manuscript (with the direction 'Substitute new form') and on LQ 1
(with the direction 'Cancel'). This new form was a typescript, made by
my father himself, with the title Of the Coming of Men into the West
and the Meeting of the Edain and the Eldar. In the LQ 2 series the
section on the Dwarves, now much altered and expanded from its
original form, was made into a separate chapter, on which my father
inserted the number 'XVI' (following 'XV' Of Turgon and the
Building of Gondolin, p. 200), retaining as title the original subtitle
Concerning the Dwarves (p. 202). The new text of the second part, Of
the Coming of Men into the West, then followed in LQ 2 as a further
chapter and was given the number 'XVII'. I have followed this
arrangement.
The complex textual evolution of the original chapter in QS can
be displayed thus (the dates have been made definite except in one
case).
QS ch.10 Of Men and Dwarfs
(1937)
QS ch.10 New title Of the
Naugrim and the Edain:
section on the Dwarves
rewritten; section on the
Edain retained (1951)
Typescript LQ 1 (1951)
Insertion of new legend of Typescript LQ 2 (1958):
Aule and the Dwarves ch.XVI Concerning the
(1958) Dwarves (no section on the
Edain)
Wholly new text on the Edain: Typescript LQ 2 (1958):
Of the Coming of Men into ch. XVII
the West (date uncertain:
1958?)
*
It remains only to notice the changes made to LQ 2 Concerning
the Dwarves. The chief of these is a further revision of the names
of the Dwarves (see the table on p. 209). In $1 (p. 203) 'whom
the Dark-elves named the Naugrim' was struck out, and at every
occurrence the name Naugrim was replaced by Dwarves (except in the
heading to $2, where it was no doubt retained inadvertently). In $7 the
opening passage now read, both in LQ 1 and in LQ 2:
In their own tongue the Dwarves name themselves Khuzud; but
the Dark-elves called them Naugrim, the stunted. Which name
the exiled Noldor likewise took for them, but called them also the
Nyrn...
(The changes of Khuzud to Khazad and Naugrim to Naug made on
the manuscript did not appear in the typescripts as typed, see pp. 205,
210.) The passage was rewritten on LQ 2 thus:
In their own tongue the Dwarves name themselves Khazad; but
the Grey-elves called them the Nyrn, the hard. This name the exiled
Noldor likewise took for them, but called them also the Naugrim,
the stunted folk...
Other changes were: in $1, in the sentence 'few ever passed over
the mountains', 'few' > 'none'; also Cranthir > Caranthir. In $7, in
the sentence concerning Nornhabar, Belegost, and Nogrod, which
were said to be interpretations 'in the Gnomish tongue' of the
Dwarvish names, 'Gnomish' > 'Elvish'.
14. OF THE COMING OF MEN INTO THE WEST.
The introduction of what very soon became an entirely new chapter -
a massive extension of and departure from the 'traditional' history of
the Edain - has been briefly described on p. 213. It emerges in a
typescript (with carbon copy) made by my father: of antecedent draft
material there is now no trace, but it seems to me very improbable that
the text reached this form ab initio. It has in fact two titles: that typed
as heading to the text is Of the Coming of Men into the West and the
Meeting of the Edain and the Eldar, but on a separate title-page in
manuscript it is called Of the Coming of the Edain 6' their Houses and
Lordships in Beleriand.
The text was emended in ink on both copies almost identically;
these changes were made, I feel sure, at much the same time as the
original typing, and in the text that follows I adopt the emendations,
but notice some of the original readings in the commentary. The
separate title-page with the different title may belong with these, but I
use here the other, in a shortened form Of the Coming of Men into the
West, as was done in the published Silmarillion. The chapter (as
emended) was incorporated in the typescript series LQ 2, as already
mentioned, and subsequently given the number 'XVII'; perhaps (as
with the new legend of Aule and the Dwarves, see p. 213) it belongs to
the period when the LQ typescript was being made (see p. 227, $13,
and p. 229).
The text is found in the published Silmarillion, Chapter 17, but I
have thought it best in this case to give the original in full. To show the
editorial alterations and insertions in the published text takes much
space, and it is difficult to make them clear, while the chapter is an
essential companion to The Wanderings of Hurin in Part Three.
Of the Coming of Men into the West
and the Meeting of the Edain
and the Eldar.
$1. Now it came to pass, when three hundred years and ten
were gone since the Noldor came to Beleriand, in the days of the
Long Peace, that Felagund journeyed east of Sirion and went
hunting with Maglor and Maedros, sons of Feanor. But he
wearied of the chase and passed on alone towards the Moun-
tains of Ered-lindon that he saw shining afar; and taking the
Dwarf-road he crossed Gelion at the ford of Sarn-athrad, and
turning south over the upper streams of Ascar, he came into the
north of Ossiriand.
$2. In a valley among the foothills of the Mountains, below
the springs of Thalos, he saw lights in the evening, and far off he
heard the sound of song. At this he wondered much, for the
Green-elves of that land lit no fires, and they did not sing by
night. At first he feared that a raid of Orcs had passed the
leaguer of the North, but as he drew near he perceived that this
was not so. For the singers used a tongue that he had not heard
before, neither that of Dwarves nor of Orcs, and their voices
were fair, though untutored in music.
$3. Then Felagund, standing silent in the night-shadow of
the trees, looked down into the camp, and there he beheld a
strange folk. They were tall, and strong, and comely, though
rude and scantily clad; but their camp was well-ordered, and
they had tents and lodges of boughs about the great fire in the
midst; and there were fair women and children among them.
$4. Now these were a part of the kindred and following of
Beor the Old, as he was afterwards called, a chieftain among
Men. After many lives of wandering out of the East he had led
them at last over the Mountains, the first of the race of Men to
enter Beleriand; and they sang because they were glad, and
believed that they had escaped from all perils and had come to a
land without fear.
$5. Long Felagund watched them, and love for them stirred
in his heart; but he remained hidden in the trees until they had
all fallen asleep. Then he went among the sleeping people, and
sat beside their dying fire where none kept watch; and he took
up a rude harp which Beor had laid aside, and he played music
upon it such as the ears of Men had not heard; for they had as
yet no teachers in the art, save only the Dark-elves in the wild
lands.
$6. Now men awoke and listened to Felagund as he harped
and sang, and each thought that he was in some fair dream,
until he saw that his fellows were awake also beside him; but
they did not speak or stir while Felegund still played, because of
the beauty of the music and the wonder of the song. Wisdom
was in the words of the Elven-king, and the hearts grew wiser
that hearkened to him; for the things of which he sang, of the
making of Arda, and the bliss of Aman beyond the shadows of
the Sea, came as clear visions before their eyes, and his Elvish
speech was interpreted in each mind according to its measure.
$7. Thus it was that Men called King Felagund, whom they
first met of all the Eldar, Wisdom, and after him they named his
people The Wise.* Indeed they believed at first that Felagund
was one of the gods, of whom they had heard rumour that they
dwelt far in the West; and this was (some say) the chief cause of
their journey. But Felagund dwelt among them and taught them
true lore; and they loved him and took him for their lord, and
were ever after loyal to the House of Finrod.**
$8. Now the Eldar were beyond all other peoples skilled in
tongues; and Felagund discovered also that he could read in the
minds of Men such thoughts as they wished to reveal in speech,
so that their words were easily interpreted.+ It was not long
therefore before he could converse with Beor; and while he
dwelt with him they spoke much together. But when Felagund
questioned Beor concerning the arising of Men and their
journeys, Beor would say little; and indeed he knew little, for
the fathers of his people had told few tales of their past and a
silence had fallen upon their memory.
$9. 'A darkness lies behind us,' Beor said; 'and we have
turned our backs on it, and we do not desire to return thither
even in thought. Westwards our hearts have been turned, and
we believe that there we shall find Light.'
$10. But Felagund learned from Beor that there were many
other Men of like mind who were also journeying westward.
'Others of my own kin have crossed the Mountains,' he said,
'and they are wandering not far away; and the Haladin, a
people that speak the same tongue as we, are still in the valleys
on the eastern slopes, awaiting tidings before they venture
(* Nom and [Nomil >] Nomin in the ancient language of this people
(which afterwards was forgotten); for Beor and his folk later learned
the language of the Eldar and forsook their own, though they retained
many names that came down to them [out of the past > ] from their
fathers.)
(** Thus Beor got his name; for it signified Vassal in their tongue,
and each of their chieftains after him bore this name as a title until the
time of Bregolas and Barahir.)
(+ It is said also that these Men had long had dealings with the
Dark-elves of Middle-earth, and from them had learned much of their
speech; and since all the languages of the Quendi were of one origin,
the language of Beor and his folk resembled the Elven-tongues in many
words and devices.)
further. There are also Men of a different speech, with whom we
have had dealings at times. They were before us in the westward
march, but we passed them; for they are a numerous people,
and yet keep together and move slowly, being all ruled by one
chieftain whom they call Marach.'
$11 Now the Nandor, the Green-elves of Ossiriand, were
troubled by the coming of Men, and when they heard that a
lord of the Eldar from over the Sea was among them they sent
messengers to Felagund. 'Lord,' they said, 'if you have power
over these new-comers, bid them to return by the ways that they
came, or else to go forward. For we desire no strangers in this
land to break the peace in which we live. And these folk are
hewers of trees and hunters of beasts; therefore we are their
unfriends, and if they will not depart we shall afflict them in all
ways that we can.'
$12 Then by the advice of Felagund Beor gathered all the
wandering families and kindreds of his folk, and they removed
over Gelion and took up their abode in the lands of Diriol, upon
the east-banks of the Celon near to the borders of Doriath. But
when after a year had passed Felagund wished to return to his
own country, Beor begged leave to come with him; and he
remained in the service of the king while his life lasted. In this
way he got his name Beor, whereas his name before had been
Balan; for Beor signified Servant in the ancient tongue of his
people. The rule of his folk he committed to his elder son Baran,
and he did not return again to Estolad.*
Of the Kindreds and Houses of the Edain.
$13. Soon after the departure of Felagund the other Men of
whom Beor had spoken came also into Beleriand. First came the
Haladin; but meeting the unfriendship of the Nandor they
turned north and dwelt in Radhrost, in the country of Caranthir
son of Feanor; and there for a time they had peace, though the
people of Caranthir paid little heed to them. The next year,
however, Marach led his people over the Mountains; and they
were a tall and warlike folk, and they marched in ordered
companies; and the Green-elves hid themselves and did not
waylay them. And Marach hearing that the people of Beor were
dwelling in a green and fertile land, came down the Dwarf-road
(* 'The Encampment. This was the name ever after of the land east of
Celon and south of Nan Elmoth.)
and settled his people in the country to the south and east of the
dwellings of Baran son of Beor. There was great friendship
between the peoples, though they were sundered in speech, until
they both learned the Sindarin tongue.
$14. Felagund himself often returned to visit Men; and
many other Elves out of the westlands, both Noldor and Sindar,
journeyed to Estolad, being eager to see the Edain, whose
coming had long been foretold.* And Fingolfin, King of all the
Noldor, sent messengers of welcome to them. Then many young
and eager men of the Edain went away and took service with
the kings and lords of the Eldar. Among these was Malach son
of Marach, and he dwelt in Hithlum for fourteen years; and he
learned the Elven-tongue and was given the name of Aradan.
$15. The Edain did not long dwell content in Estolad, for
many still desired to go westwards; but they did not know the
way: before them lay the fences of Doriath, and southward lay
Sirion and its impassable fens. Therefore the kings of the three
houses of the Noldor, seeing hope of strength in the sons of
Men, sent word that any of the Edain that wished might remove
and come to dwell among their people. In this way the
migration of the Edain began: at first little by little, but later in
families and kindreds, they arose and left Estolad, until after
some fifty years many thousands had entered the lands of the
kings.
$16. Most of these took the long road northwards, under
the guidance of the Elves, until the ways became well known to
them. The people of Beor came to Dorthonion and dwelt in
lands ruled by the House of Finrod. The people of Aradan (for
Marach remained in Estolad until his death) for the most part
went on westwards; and some came to Hithlum, but Magor son
of Aradan and the greater number of his folk passed down
Sirion into Beleriand and dwelt in the vales on the southern
slopes of the Ered-wethion. A few only of either people went to
Maedros and the lands about the Hill of Himring.
(* Atani was the name given to Men in Valinor, in the lore that told
of their coming; according to the Eldar it signified 'Second', for the
kindred of Men was the second of the Children of Iluvatar. Edain was
the form of the name in Beleriand, and there it was used only of the
three kindreds of the first Elf-friends. Men of other kind were called
Hravani (or Rhevain), the 'Wild'. But all Men the Elves called Hildi
[> Hildor], the Followers, or Firyar, the Mortals (in Sindarin Echil
and Firiath).)
$17. Many, however, remained in Estolad; and there was
still a mingled people of Men living there long years after, until
in the ruin of Beleriand they were overwhelmed or fled back
into the East. For beside the old who deemed that their
wandering days were over there were not a few who desired to
go their own ways and feared the Eldar and the light of their
eyes; and dissensions awoke among the Edain, in which the
shadow of Morgoth may be discerned, for it cannot be doubted
that he knew of the coming of Men and of their growing
friendship with the Elves.
$18. The leaders of discontent were Bereg of the House of
Beor and Amlach one of the grandsons of Marach; and they
said openly: 'We took long roads, desiring to escape the perils of
Middle-earth and the dark things that dwell there; for we heard
that there was Light in the West. But now we learn that the
Light is beyond the Sea. Thither we cannot come where the gods
dwell in bliss. Save one. For the Lord of the Dark is here before
us, and the Eldar, wise but fell, who make endless war upon
him. In the North he dwells, they say; and there is the pain and
death from which we fled. We will not go that way.'
$19. Then a council and assembly of Men was called, and
great numbers came together. And the Elf-friends answered
Bereg, saying: 'Truly from the Dark King come all the evils from
which we fled; but he seeks dominion over all Middle-earth, and
whither now shall we turn and he will not pursue us? Unless he be
vanquished here, or at least held in leaguer. Only by the valour of
the Eldar is he restrained, and maybe it was for this purpose, to
aid them at need, that we were brought into this land.'
$20. To this Bereg answered: 'Let the Eldar look to it! Our
lives are short enough.' But there arose one who seemed to all to
be Amlach son of Imlach, speaking fell words that shook the
hearts of all that heard him: 'All this is but Elvish lore, tales to
beguile new-comers that are unwary. The Sea has no shore.
There is no Light in the West. You have followed a fool-fire of
the Elves to the end of the world! Which of you has seen the
least of the gods? Who has beheld the Dark King in the North?
Those who seek the dominion of Middle-earth are the Eldar.
Greedy for wealth they have delved in the Earth for its secrets
and have stirred to wrath the things that dwell beneath it, as
they ever have done and ever shall. Let the Orcs have the realm
that is theirs, and we will have ours. There is room in the world,
if the Eldar will let us be!'
$21. Then those that listened sat for a while astounded, and
a shadow of fear fell on their hearts; and they resolved to depart
far from the lands of the Eldar. But later Amlach returned
among them and denied that he had been present at their debate
or had spoken such words as they reported; and there was
doubt and bewilderment among Men. Then the Elf-friends said:
'You will now believe this at least: there is indeed a dark Lord
and his spies and emissaries are among us; for he fears us and
the strength that we may give to his foes.'
$22. But some still answered: He hates us, rather, and ever
the more the longer we dwell here, meddling in his quarrel with
the kings of the Eldar, to no gain of ours.' Many therefore of
those that yet remained in Estolad made ready to depart; and
Bereg led a thousand of the people of Beor away southwards
and they passed out of the songs of those days. But Amlach
repented, saying: 'I now have a quarrel of my own with this
Master of Lies which will last to my life's end'; and he went
away north and entered the service of Maedros. But those of his
people who were of like mind with Bereg chose a new leader
and went back over the Mountains into Eriador and are for-
gotten.
$23. During this time the Haladin remained in Radhrost and
were content. But Morgoth, seeing that by lies and deceits he
could not yet wholly estrange Elves and Men, was filled with
wrath and endeavoured to do Men what hurt he could.
Therefore he sent out an orc-raid and passing east it escaped
the leaguer and came in stealth back over the Mountains by
the passes of the Dwarf-road and fell upon the Haladin in the
southern woods of the land of Caranthir.
$24. Now the Haladin did not live under the rule of lords or
many together, but each homestead was set apart and governed
its own affairs, and they were slow to unite. But there was
among them a man named Haldad who was masterful and
fearless; and he gathered all the brave men that he could find,
and retreated to the angle of land between Ascar and Gelion,
and in the utmost corner he built a stockade across from water
to water; and behind it they led all the women and children that
they could save. There they were besieged, until they were short
of food.
$25. Now Haldad had twin children: Haleth his daughter
and Haldar his son; and both were valiant in the defence, for
Haleth was a woman of great heart and strength. But at last
Haldad was slain in a sortie against the Orcs; and Haldar, who
rushed out to save his father's body from their butchery, was
hewn down beside him. Then Haleth held the folk together,
though they were without hope; and some cast themselves in the
rivers and were drowned. Seven days later, as the Orcs made
their last assault and had already broken through the stockade,
there came suddenly a music of trumpets, and Caranthir with
his host came down from the north and drove the Orcs into the
rivers.
$26. Then Caranthir looked kindly upon Men and did
Haleth great honour, and he offered her recompense for her
father and brother. And seeing, over late, what valour there was
in the Edain, he said to her: 'If you will remove and dwell
further north, there you shall have the friendship and protection
of the Eldar and free lands of your own.'
$27. But Haleth was proud, and unwilling to be guided or
ruled, and most of the Haladin were of like mood. Therefore
she thanked Caranthir, but answered: 'My mind is now set,
lord, to leave the shadow of the Mountains and go west whither
others of our kin have gone.' When therefore the Haladin had
gathered all that they could find alive of their folk who had fled
wild into the woods before the Orcs, and had gleaned what
remained of their goods in their burned homesteads, they took
Haleth for their chief; and she led them at last to Estolad, and
there they dwelt for a time.
$28. But they remained a people apart, and were ever after
known to Elves and Men as the People of Haleth. Haleth
remained their chief while her days lasted, but she did not wed,
and the headship afterwards passed to Hardan son of Haldar
her brother. Soon, however, Haleth desired to move westward
again; and though most of her people were against this counsel,
she led them forth once more; and they went without help or
guidance of the Eldar, and passing over Celon and Aros they
journeyed in the perilous land between the Mountains of Terror
and the Girdle of Melian. That land was not yet so evil as it
after became, but it was no road for mortal Men to take without
aid, and Haleth only brought her folk through it with hardship
and loss, constraining them to go forward by the strength of
her will. At last they crossed over the Brithiach, and many
bitterly repented their journey; but there was now no returning.
Therefore in new lands they went back to their old life as best
they could; and they dwelt in free homesteads in the woods of
the Dalath Dirnen beyond Teiglin, and some wandered far into
the realm of Nargothrond. But there were many who loved the
Lady Haleth and wished to go whither she would and dwell
[ under her rule; and these she led into the Forest of Brethil.
Thither in the evil days that followed many of her scattered folk
returned.
$29. Now Brethil was claimed as part of his realm by King
Thingol, though it was not within the List Melian, and he
would have denied it to Haleth; but Felagund, who had the
friendship of Thingol, when he heard of all that had befallen the
people of Haleth, obtained this grace for her: that she should
dwell free in Brethil upon condition only that her folk should
guard the Crossings of Teiglin against all enemies of the Eldar,
and allow no Orcs to enter their woods. To which Haleth
answered: 'Where are Haldad my father, and Haldar my
brother? If the king fears a friendship between Haleth and those
who devoured her kin, then the thoughts of the Eldar are
strange to Men.' And Haleth dwelt in Brethil until she died; and
her people raised a green mound over her in the heights of the
Forest: Tur Daretha, the Ladybarrow, Haudh-en-Arwen in the
Sindarin tongue.
$30. In this way it came to pass that the Edain dwelt in the
lands of the Eldar, some here, some there, some wandering,
some settled in kindreds or small peoples. Nearly all learned
soon the Grey-elven tongue, both as a common speech among
themselves and because many were eager to learn the lore of the
Elves. But after a time the Elf-kings, seeing that it was not good
for Elves and Men to dwell mingled together without order, and
that Men needed lords of their own kind, set regions apart
where Men could lead their own lives, and appointed chieftains
to hold these lands freely. No conditions were laid upon them,
save to hold Morgoth as their foe and to have no dealings with
him or his. They were the allies of the Eldar in war, but marched
under their own leaders. Yet many of the Edain had delight in
the friendship of the Elves and dwelt among them for so long as
they had leave; and their young men often took service for a
time in the hosts of the Kings.
$31. Now Hador Glorindol, son of Hathol, son of Magor,
son of Malach Aradan entered the household of Fingolfin in
youth, and was loved by the king. Fingolfin therefore gave to
him the lordship of Dor-lomin, and into that land he gathered
most of the people of his kin and became the mightiest of the
chieftains of the Edain. In his house only the elven-tongue was
spoken, though their own speech was not forgotten by his
people.* But in Dorthonion the lordship of the people of Beor
and the country of Ladros was given to Boromir, son of Boron
who was the grandson of Beor the Old.
$32. The sons of Hador were Galdor and Gundor; and the
sons of Galdor were Hurin and Huor; and the son of Hurin was
Turin the bane of Glaurung; and the son of Huor was Tuor,
father of Earendil the Blessed. And the son of Boromir was
Bregor, whose sons were Bregolas and Barahir; and the daugh- 1
ters of the sons of Bregolas were Morwen the mother of Turin,
and Rian the mother of Tuor; but the son of Barahir was Beren
One-hand who won the love of Luthien Thingol's daughter and ]
returned from the Dead; from them came Elwing the wife of
Earendil and all the Kings of Numenor after.
$33. All these were caught in the net of the Doom of the
Noldor; and they did great deeds which the Eldar remember still !
among the histories of the Kings of old. And in those days the j
strength of Men was added to the power of the Noldor, and
hope was renewed; and the people of the three houses of Men
throve and multiplied. Greatest was the House of Hador
Golden-head, peer of Elven-lords. Many of his people were like
him, golden-haired and blue-eyed; they were tall and strong, j
quick to wrath and laughter, fierce in battle, generous to friend
and to foe, swift in resolve, fast in loyalty, joyous in heart, the
children of Iluvatar in the youth of Mankind. But the people of
the House of Beor were dark or brown of hair; their eyes were
grey and keen and their faces fair and shapely. Lithe and lean in
body they were long-enduring in hardship. Of all Men they
were most like the Noldor and most loved by them; for they
were eager of mind, cunning-handed, swift in understanding,
long in memory; and they were moved sooner to pity than to
mirth, for the sorrow of Middle-earth was in their hearts. Like
to them were the woodland folk of Haleth; but they were
shorter and broader, sterner and less swift. They were less eager
for lore, and used few words; for they did not love great
concourse of men, and many among them delighted in solitude,
wandering free in the greenwoods while the wonder of the
(* From this speech came the common tongue of Numenor.)
world was new upon them. But in the lands of the West their
time was brief and their days unhappy.
$34. The years of the Edain were lengthened, according to
the reckoning of Men, after their coming to Beleriand; but at
last Beor the Old died, when he had lived three and ninety years,
for four and forty of which he had served King Felagund. And
when he lay dead, of no wound or sickness, but stricken by age,
the Eldar saw for the first time the death of weariness which
they knew not in themselves, and they grieved for the swift loss
of their friends. But Beor at the last had relinquished his life
willingly and passed in peace; and the Eldar wondered much at
the strange fate of Men, for in all their lore there was no account
of it and its end was hidden from them. Nonetheless the Edain
of old, being of races eager and young, learned swiftly of the
Eldar all such art and knowledge as they could receive, and their
sons increased in wisdom and skill, until they far surpassed all
others of Mankind, who dwelt still east of the Mountains and
had not seen the Eldar and the faces that had beheld the Light.
*
I record here the few changes that were made to the LQ 2 typescript
of the new chapter.
$1. Felagund > Finrod Felagund
$4. 'had come to a land' > 'had come at last to a land'
$7. The second footnote was struck out (as it was also on the original
typescript).
$12. Diriol > Diriel > Amras
$13. Radhrost > Thargelion, and again in $23.
$28. Dalath Dirnen > Talath Dirnen
$29. List Melian: 'Girdle of' written over the word List (which was
not struck out).
$31. Glorindol > Glorindol
$33. 'the wonder of the world' > 'the wonder of the lands of the
Eldar'
'But in the lands of the West' > 'But in the realms of the West'.
In addition, certain changes were made in pencil to the carbon copy
only of the original typescript, and these were not taken up into LQ 2,
nor were they added to it. They are as follows:
$16. 'Magor son of Aradan' > 'Hador son of Aradan'
$29. List Melian > Lest Melian
Tur Daretha > Tur Haretha
$31. 'Now Hador Glorindol, son of Hathol, son of Magor, son of
Malach Aradan' was emended to read thus (the emendation was
incorrectly made, but my father's intention is plain): 'Now Magor
Dagorlind, son of Hathol, son of Hador Glorindal, son of Malach
Aradan'
$32. 'The sons of Hador' > 'The sons of Magor'
On the reversal of the places of Magor and Hador in the genealogy see
p. 235.
Commentary.
$1. 'three hundred years and ten': the words 'and ten' were an
addition. The original chapter in QS had 'four hundred', against
which my father noted (p. 202, $126): 'This must be removed to
300', altering the date to '310'. This radical shift, putting back by
ninety years the date of Felagund's meeting with Beor (and so
extending the lines of the rulers of the Edain in Beleriand by several
generations), has been encountered in the opening of the Athrabeth
Finrod ah Andreth (X.307 and third footnote).
$4. 'Beor the Old': the words 'the Old' were an addition, and 'as he
was afterwards called' refer to 'Beor' simply (see the second foot-
note to $7). - With 'After many lives of wandering out of the East'
cf. the change made to the original QS chapter, p. 202, $127.
$7. The opening sentence of this paragraph as typed read:
Thus it was that Men called King Felagund, whom they first met
of all the Eldar, Somar that is Wisdom, and after him they named
his people Samuri (that is the Wise).
As typed, the footnote was added to the word 'Wisdom', and read:
In the ancient language of the Edain (from which afterwards came
the Numenorean tongue); but Beor and his House later learned
the language of the Eldar and forsook their own.
See V.275 (footnote) and p. 202, $128. - In 'the House of Finrod'
Finrod = Finarfin. The footnote at this point in the text as typed read:
Thus Beor got his name; for it signifies Vassal in the tongue of the
Edain. But after Beor all the children of his House bore Elvish
names.
The revised footnote as given in the text printed was later struck out
in pencil. See $12 in the text.
$9. The paragraph beginning 'But it was said afterwards ...' in the
published Silmarillion between $9 and $10 of the original text was
derived from the Grey Annals, $$79-80 (pp. 36 - 7).
$10. The reversal in the published Silmarillion of what is said in the
original text (and cf. X.305) concerning the affinities of the
languages of the Edain (so that the Haladin become 'sundered in
speech' from the People of Beor, and the tongue of the People of
Marach becomes 'more like to ours') is based on late and very
express statements of my father's. - In the present passage are the
first occurrences of the names Haladin and Marach.
$12. The form Diriol seems not to occur elsewhere (see p. 225, $12).
- Above the word 'Servant' my father pencilled 'Vassal', but then
struck it through. - The region of Estolad was entered on the second
map, but in the form Estoland (p. 189, $55).
$13 The heading Of the Kindreds and Houses of the Edain was an
addition to the manuscript. Against the opening words 'Soon after
the departure of Felagund' the date 311 was typed; 312 against the
coming of the Haladin; and 313 against the coming of Marach and
his people.
Radhrost: Dark-elvish name of Thargelion. See p. 225, $13.
Caranthir: the name as typed (twice) was Cranthir, emended to
Caranthir, but later in the text ($23 and subsequently) Caranthir
was the form as typed. This is an indication that the emendation of
the text followed soon after its typing (p. 215), and may give
support to the suggestion (ibid.) that Of the Coming of Men into the
West belongs to the period when the LQ 2 typescript series was
being made, since the change of Cranthir > Caranthir occurs as an
emendation in Of Beleriand and its Realms in the LQ 2 series
(p. 197, $111).
On the statement that the peoples of Beor and Marach were
'sundered in speech', omitted in the published text, see under $10
above.
$14. After the words 'dwelt in Hithlum' there followed in the type-
script 'in the household of Fingolfin', which was struck out.
$15. Against the words 'some fifty years' the date 330-380 is typed in
the margin.
$16. 'the House of Finrod': see under $7 above. - The paragraph
beginning 'It is said that in all these matters ...' in the published
Silmarillion was derived from the Grey Annals, $$ 130 - 1 (pp. 49 - 50).
$18. With the speech of Bereg and Amlach compare the words of
Andreth to Felagund in the Athrabeth, X.309-10.
$19. Against the first sentence of the paragraph the date 369 was
added.
$20. After 'new-comers that are unwary' the text as typed read
before emendation:
Which of you has seen the Light or the least of the gods? Who has
beheld the Dark King in the North? The Sea has no shore. There
is no Light in the West, for we stand now in the West of the world.
$23. The form Caranthir appears here in the typescript as typed: see
under $13 above. In the carbon copy a stroke was drawn through
the n of Caranthir, sc. Carathir, and the same was done at the first
occurrence of the name ($13) in the top copy.
$24. The siege of the Haladin behind their stockade is dated 375,
typed in the margin.
$25. It is here that the Lady Haleth enters the history; Haleth the
Hunter, Father of Men, who first appeared long before in the
Quenta as the son of Hador (when the 'Hadorian' and 'Halethian'
houses were one and the same, see IV.104, 175), has now dis-
appeared.
$27. Against the last sentence, referring to the sojourn of the Haladin
in Estolad, the date 376 - 390 is typed in the margin.
$28. Hardan son of Haldar: the substitution of Haldan for Hardan in
the published text was derived from a late change to a genealogical
table of the Haladin (see p. 238).
Brithiach: the Ford of Brithiach over Sirion north of the Forest of
Brethil had first appeared in the later Tale of Tuor (Unfinished Tales
p. 41), and again in GA $161; see the map on p. 182, square D 7. -
Against the sentence 'At last they crossed over the Brithiach' is the
date 391.
Dalath Dirnen: the Guarded Plain east of Narog. The name first
appears in the tale of Beren and Luthien in QS (V.299), and was
marked in on the second map, where it was subsequently changed to
Talath Dirnen (p. 186, $17), as also on the LQ 2 typescript of the
present text (p. 225, $28).
Teiglin: this was the form of the name adopted in the published
Silmarillion; see pp. 309-10, at end of note 55.
$29. In the Grey Annals $132 (p. 50) the story had entered (under the
year 422) that 'at the prayer of Inglor [Felagund] Thingol granted to
Haleth's people to live in Brethil; for they were in good friendship
with the woodland Elves' (Haleth here is of course Haleth the
Hunter, who had entered Beleriand two years before).
List Melian, the Girdle of Melian: this name was entered on the
second map (p. 183, D 8-9), and changed to Lest Melian on the
carbon copy of the original typescript of the chapter (p. 225, $29).
Tur Daretha: for the form Tur Haretha in the published text see
p. 225, $29. - The date of the death of the Lady Haleth is given in
the margin: 420.
$31. In the newly devised history, Marach having displaced Hador
Goldenhead as the leader of the people in the journey out of Eriador,
Hador now appears as the descendant of Marach in the fourth
generation; but the House of Hador retained its name (see IV.175).
This is the first occurrence of the name Glorindol; but the later form
Lorindol (adopted in the published Silmarillion) has been met with
in the Athrabeth (X.305), and see pp. 233 - 5.
Marginal dates give Hador's years in Fingolfin's household as
405-415, and the granting to him of the lordship of Dor-lomin
as 416.
The concluding sentence of the paragraph as typed read:
But in Dorthonion the lordship of the people of Beor was given to
Bregor son of Boromir...
The date of this gift, as typed in the margin, was 410. - 'The country
of Ladros', in the emended version, was marked on the second map
in the north-east of Dorthonion: p. 187, $34.
$32. For the remainder of its length Of the Coming of Men into the
West returns to follow, with much rewriting and expansion, the
form of the original chapter in QS. - Galdor first occurs here
(otherwise than in later corrections), replacing Galion which itself
replaced Gumlin (p. 123, $127).
The new genealogies of the Edain.
My father's decision that the coming of the Edain over the Blue
Mountains into Beleriand took place nearly a century earlier than he
had supposed led to a massive overhauling of the chronology and the
genealogies.
(i) The House of Beor.
From the new chapter it is seen that in the case of the Beorians the
original 'Father', Beor the Old, remained, but four new generations
were introduced between him and Bregolas and Barahir, who until
now had been his sons. These generations are represented by Baran,
Boron, Boromir, and Bregor (who becomes the father of Bregolas and
Barahir), descendants in the direct line of Beor the Old - though it is
not actually stated that Boron was Baran's son, only that he was Beor's
grandson ($31). In the Grey Annals ($121) Beor was born in the year
370, his encounter with Felagund took place in 400, the year in which
his elder son Bregolas was born ($124), and he died in 450. In the new
history he met Felagund in 310, departed with him in 311 (commen-
tary on $13), and remained in his service for forty-four years until his
death at the age of 93 ($34); from which his dates can be seen to be
262-355. His true name was Balan ($12); and it is stated in the second
footnote to $7 that each of the chieftains of this people bore the name
Beor ('Vassal') as a title until the time of Bregolas and Barahir -
though this note was afterwards struck out (commentary on $7).
Boromir his great-grandson received the lordship of Dorthonion and
Ladros in 410 ($31 and commentary).
There are two genealogical tables of the House of Beor that relate
closely to the new chapter and almost certainly belong to the same
period (this is strongly suggested by the fact that a group of Elvish
genealogies, closely resembling in form those of the Edain, is
accompanied by notes dated December 1959). The two tables were
obviously made at the same time. The first ('Beor table I') was written
neatly and clearly; it differs from the second in many of the dates and
in its presentation of the descendants of Boron (grandson of Beor the
Old), thus:
Boron
Beleth Boromir Belegor
Bregor Bregil
Bregolas Beldis Barahir
Bar agund Belegund
Names in italics show members of the House of Beor who have not
appeared before; of these Beleth, Bregil, and Beldis are marked on the
table as daughters. Subsequent alterations, carried out in complex
stages, brought the genealogy to the fuller form that it has in 'Beor
table II'; of these changes the most notable is the replacement of
Boromir's daughter Bregil (who is moved down a generation) by
Andreth, the first appearance of the name. The only other point to
notice in table I is that Morwen was named Eledhwen (with Edelwen,
as in table II, added above).
Beor table II took up all the changes made to I, and I have redrawn it
on p. 231 in the form in which it was first made. The numerals added
to certain of the names indicate the rulers of the House in their order.
It is seen from this genealogy that Boron was indeed the son of
Baran ('Beor the Young'); and that Bereg the dissident ($18), in the
text said only to be 'of the House of Beor', was the son of Baranor son
of Baran, and thus a great-grandson of Beor the Old. It is seen also
that the further extension of the House of Beor that appears in the
Athrabeth Finrod ah Andreth (X.305-6) was now present, with
Andreth the sister of Bregor, and Belen the second son of Beor the Old,
father of Beldir (not previously named), father of Belemir the husband
of Adanel. (Adanel is here said to be the daughter of Malach Aradan,
son of Marach, whereas in the Athrabeth she is the sister of Hador
Lorindol: on this see p. 235.)
A few changes were made subsequently, at different times, to Beor
table II, as follows:
- (Bar Beora) added after 'The House of Beor';
- Boron's dates changed to 315-408, and Boromir's birth to 338;
- the name Saelin pencilled beside Andreth, and also 'A[ndreth) the
Wise',
- a remote descent from Beleth, sister of Baragund and Belegund,
indicated, leading to Erendis of Numenor;
- a daughter Hiril, sister of Beren One-hand, given to Barahir and
Emeldir.
On the name Saelin beside Andreth see p. 233. With the descent of
Erendis of Numenor from Beleth daughter of Bregolas cf. Aldarion
and Erendis in Unfinished Tales, p. 177, where it is said of Beregar the
father of Erendis that he 'came of the House of Beor': in my note on
this (p. 214, note 10) I referred to her descent as given in the present
genealogical table, but gave her ancestor's name wrongly as 'Bereth'.
Some of the later dates in the table differ from those in other
sources. The first death of Beren is placed under 466 in the texts of The
Tale of Years: 465 is a reversion to the date in AB 2 (see p. 131, $203).
The second death of Beren, in the table dated 501, was placed in AB 2
in 503, while in The Tale of Years it is given as 505, then reverting to
503 (pp. 346, 348). In GA Bregolas was born in 400, Barahir in 402,
Baragund in 424, and Belegund in 428 (these were the original dates
going back to the earliest Annals of Beleriand, allowing for the
extension by one and then by two centuries in subsequent versions; see
the genealogical table in IV.315).
On the much changed date of the Second Kinslaying (here given
as 511), in which Dior Thingol's heir was slain in fighting with the
Feanorians and his young sons Eldun and Elrun were taken and
abandoned to starve in the forest, see The Tale of Years, pp. 345 ff.; it
is plainly a mere inadvertence that in the same table the date of their
death is given as 506, five years before that of Dior. In (later) sources
Eldun and Elrun are twin brothers, born in the year 500 (see p. 257
and note 16 on p. 300; p. 349)-
(ii) The House of Hador.
In the old history of the Edain, now rejected, Hador the Goldenhaired,
third of 'the Fathers of the Men of the West', was born in Eriador in
390, and came over the Blue Mountains into Beleriand in 420. Unlike
the development in the House of Beor, however, Hador (Glorindol,
$31) retained his chronological place in the history (as will be seen
shortly, his original birth-date remained the same), and his sons
Galdor (< Galion < Gumlin) and Gundor; but with the much earlier
date of 'the Coming of Men into the West' he was moved downwards
in the genealogy, to become the ruler of the people in the fourth
generation from Marach, under whose leadership they had entered
Beleriand in 313 (commentary on $13). His father was Hathol, son of
Magor, son of Malach, son of Marach ($31).
As with the House of Beor, there are here also two genealogical
tables closely related to the new conception. The earlier of these
('Hador table I') was made on my father's old typewriter using his
'midget type' (VIII.233). It was a good deal altered by revision of
dates, and by additions, but these latter chiefly concern the extension
of the genealogy to include the descendants of Hurin and Huor, with
whom the table ended in the form as typed: the structure of the descent
from the ancestor was far less changed than in the case of Beor table I,
and indeed the only addition here was the incorporation of Amlach,
one of the leaders of discontent in Estolad, who is said in the text of
the chapter ($18) to have been 'one of the grandsons of Marach'.
Changes were also made to the names of the Haladin who appear in
the genealogy.
A fair copy in manuscript ('Hador table II'), identical in appearance
to the tables of the House of Beor, followed, no doubt immediately,
and this I have redrawn on p. 234, in the form in which it was made
(i.e. omitting subsequent alterations). I notice here some points arising
from these tables.
The date of Marach's entry into Beleriand differs by one year (314
for 313) from that given in the chapter (commentary on $13); table I
had 315 altered to 314. In table I Marach's son Imlach, father of
Amlach, is named Imrach.
In agreement with the genealogical tables of the House of Beor,
Adanel wife of Belemir is the daughter of Malach Aradan; in Hador
table I it was said that Adanel 'wedded Belemir of the House of Beor,
and he joined the people of Aradan', the last words being struck out.
It is also said in table I that Beren (I) was the fifth child of Adanel and
Belemir; and that Emeldir was the third child of Beren.
In Hador table I there is the statement that 'the other children
of Aradan' (i.e. beside Adanel and Magor) 'are not named in the
Chronicles'. In table II a third child of Malach Aradan was named,
however: 'Sael .. th the Wise 344', together with the mention of
'others not concerned in these Chronicles'; Sael .. th was first changed
to Saelon, and then the name and the birth-date were struck out, so
that the middle letters of the first name cannot be read. This was
probably done at the time of the making of the table. Saelon appears in
draft material for the Athrabeth (X.351 - 2) as the name of Andreth,
replaced in the finished text (X.305) by Saelind ('the Eldar called her
Saelind, Wise-heart ). In this sister of Magor and Adanel is seen,
very probably, the first hint of the Athrabeth; subsequently, when my
father perceived that the wise-women came of different houses of the
Edain, with different 'lore and traditions' (X.305), he wrote Saelin and
Andreth the Wise against the name Andreth in Beor table II (p. 230). It
seems a possibility that Adanel and Andreth were already present in
the genealogies before their significance as 'wise-women' emerged.
In Hador table I Hador was named Glorindol, as in the text of the
chapter ($31), emended to Lorindol, the form in table II. - I do not
know why Gundor's death should be dated (in both I and II) a year
later (456) than that of his father Hador. All the sources state that they
both died at Eithel Sirion.
The 'double marriage' of Hador's daughter and elder son, named
Glorwendil and Galion, to the son (Hundor) and daughter (unnamed)
of Haleth the Hunter had already emerged in the Grey Annals (see the
commentary on $$161, 171, pp. 126, 128). Now named Gloredel and
Galdor, the double marriage remains, but with the entire reconstitu-
tion of the People of Haleth the chronological place of Haleth the
Hunter had been taken by Halmir: it is now his son Haldir and his
daughter Hareth who marry Gloredel and Galdor.*
The date of Hurin's death is given as '500?' in table I ('501?' in table
II).
Tuor's name Eladar is translated 'Starfather' in table I, and in
addition he is named Ulmondil; the form Irilde was added after Idril
(so spelt): see II.343 and V.366-7 (stem KYELEP); and to Earendil was
added 'whose name was foretold by Ulmo'.
For Urwen Lalaeth see Unfinished Tales pp. 57-9.
In hasty pencillings on Hador table II the note saying that Magor
and Hathol served no Elf-lord but dwelt near the sources of Teiglin,
and that Hador was the first lord of Dor-lomin, was struck out; while
at the same time Hador Lorindol first lord of Dorlomin was written
above Magor (the Sword), and Magor Dagorlind the Sword singer
in battle above Hador Lorindol. This reversal has been seen already in
emendations made to the carbon copy only of the text of the chapter
(pp. 225 - 6, $$16, 31-2 - where my father changed Glorindol, not to
Lorindol, but to Glorindal). That this was not an ephemeral change is
seen from the Athrabeth, where Adanel is the sister of Hador
Lorindol, not of Magor.
I do not know of any statement elsewhere that bears on this change,
but the words 'first lord of Dorlomin' that (so to speak) accompanied
Hador's movement back by half a century are evidently significant,
suggesting that my father had in mind to place Fingolfin's gift of the
lordship of Dorlomin much earlier: he had said both in the text of the
chapter and in the genealogical table that Malach (whose son was now
Hador Lorindol) passed fourteen years in Hithlum. This change
would not of itself entail the reversal of the names Magor and Hador;
but the House of Hador was a name so embedded in the tradition that
my father would not lose it even when Hador was no longer the first
ruler in Beleriand, while on the other hand the importance and
illustriousness of that house was closely associated with the lordship
of Dorlomin - in other words, the name must accompany the first
lordship. But it seems that he never wrote anything further on the
matter, nor made any other alterations to the existing texts in the light
of it.
The only other change made to Hador table 11 (it was made also to
table I) was the writing of the name Ardamir above Earendil.
(* In table I the son of Halmir was still Hundor, and his daughter was Hiriel.
Hiriel was changed to Hareth; and Hundor was changed to Hundar before
reaching Haldir. See pp. 236-7.)
(iii) The Haladin.
This house of the Edain underwent the greatest change, since in this
case the original 'Father' Haleth the Hunter disappeared, and of the
Haladin (a name that first occurs in this new chapter, $10) it is said
($24) that they 'did not live under the rule of lords or many together'.
The name Haleth now becomes that of the formidable Lady Haleth,
daughter of Haldad, who had become the leader when the Haladin
were attacked by Orcs in Thargelion. In the genealogical table of the
House of Hador Halmir occupies the place in the history formerly
taken by Haleth the Hunter, and it was his son and daughter who
married the son and daughter of Hador Goldenhead.
A genealogical table of the Haladin exists in a single copy (preceded
by rough workings in which the names were moved about in a be-
wildering fashion), this table being a companion, obviously made at the
same time, to those of the Houses of Beor and Hador. I give it on p. 237
as it was first made. As in the table of the Beorians, the numerals against
certain of the names refer to the leaders of the Haladin in sequence.
A particularly confusing element in the transformation of 'the
People of Haleth' (who are confusing enough in any event) lies in
the offspring of Halmir.
(1) In GA $212 (p. 70) it was told, in the annal for 468, that at the
time of the Union of Maidros Haleth the Hunter 'gathered his folk in
Brethil, and they whetted their axes; but he died of age ere the war
came, and Hundor his son ruled his people' (in The Silmarillion,
Chapter 20, p. 189, I retained this, substituting Halmir for Haleth the
Hunter and Haldir for Hundor).
(2) I have noticed (p. 235, footnote) that in 'Hador table I' Halmir's
son was still Hundor; and that this was changed to Hundar (found
also in one of the constituent texts of the Narn as the name of the son)
before reaching the final form Haldir.
(3) In the Narn version of the story of the Battle of Unnumbered
Tears the leader of the men of Brethil is Hundar (pp. 166, 168).
(4) In a late alteration to the GA version of the story (see p. 133,
commentary on $221) the sentence 'many of the woodmen came also
with Hundor of Brethil' was changed to 'came also with Haldir and
Hundar'.
(6) In the genealogical table of the Haladin both Haldir, son of
Halmir and leader of the Haladin after his father's death, and his
brother Hundar, are shown as having been slain in the Nirnaeth in the
year 472.
It is seen therefore that when Hundar son of Halmir became Haldir,
the name Hundar was not lost but was given to a brother of Haldir;
and both went to the battle and both were slain. This is expressly
stated in The Wanderings of Hurin (p. 281 and note 37); and indeed
the line of Hundar is of great importance in that tale.
Handir, son of Haldir, retained his name from far back; but the
original story of his death in the battle of Tumhalad in 495 had been
changed: he was slain in Brethil earlier in that year by 'Orcs that
invaded his land' (GA $275). On his marriage with Beldis of the
House of Beor see p. 268.
Hunthor was Turin's companion in the attack on Glaurung, killed
by a falling stone (Unfinished Tales, p. 134); called Torbarth in GA
(see p. 156).
Most of the later changes made to this table relate closely to the
story of The Wanderings of Hurin, and these I neglect here. Of other
alterations, one has been mentioned already (commentary on $28,
p. 228): Hardan son of Haldar (twin brother of the Lady Haleth) was
changed to Haldan, and this name was adopted in the published
Silmarillion; but also pencilled against Hardan (either before or after
the change to Haldan) is the name Harathor (the name repeated in his
descendant, the seventh leader of the Haladin, four generations later).
- The birth-dates of Hundar and Hareth were changed to 418 and
420; and Hundar's daughter Hunleth was an addition, though prob-
ably of the time of the making of the table.
Pencilled on a corner of the page is: 'Hal- in old language of this
people = head, chief. bar = man. Halbar = chieftain'; at the same
time my father wrote 'b' against the name Haldar (Haleth's brother)
and perhaps very faintly struck out the 'd' of this name: sc. Halbar. On
this see p. 309.
15. OF THE RUIN OF BELERIAND AND THE
FALL OF FINGOLFIN.
We come now to Chapter 11 in QS, given in V.279-89. The text was
not much emended on the manuscript, and I give such changes as were
made in the form of notes referenced to the numbered paragraphs in
Vol.V.
$134. Bladorion > Ard-galen and subsequently.
'fires of many colours, and the fume stank upon the air' > 'fires of
many poisonous hues, and the fume thereof stank upon the air'
Dor-na-Fauglith > Dor-no-Fauglith
Dagor Vreged-sir > Dagor Bragollach
'the Battle of Sudden Fire' > 'the Battle of Sudden Flame' (and
subsequently)
$137. 'In that battle King Inglor Felagund was cut off from his folk
and surrounded by the Orcs, and he would have been slain ...' >
'surrounded by the Orcs in the Fen of Serech betwixt Mithrim and
Dorthonion, and there he would have been slain'. The Fen of Rivil,
changed to Fen of Serech, was added to the second map (p. 181, $3),
and the latter name occurs several times in GA.
$138. 'fled now from Dorthonion' > 'fled away from Dorthonion'
'it was after called by the Gnomes Taur-na-Fuin, which is
Mirkwood, and Delduwath, Deadly Nightshade' > 'it was after
called by the Dark-elves Taur-na-Fuin, which is Mirkwood, but by
the Gnomes Delduwath, Deadly Nightshade'
$141. 'Celegorn and Curufin ... sought harbour with their friend
Orodreth' > '... sought harbour with Inglor and Orodreth'. See
V.289, $141.
$142. 'or the wild of South Beleriand' > 'nor to Taur-im-Duinath
and the wilds of the south'. On Taur-im-Duinath see p. 193, $108,
and p. 195, $113.
$143 'Sauron was the chief servant of the evil Vala, whom he had
suborned to his service in Valinor from among the people of the
gods. He was become a wizard of dreadful power, master of
necromancy, foul in wisdom' > 'Now Sauron, whom the Noldor
call Gorthu, was the chief servant of Morgoth. In Valinor he had
dwelt among the people of the gods, but there Morgoth had drawn
him to evil and to his service. He was become now a sorcerer of
dreadful power, master of shadows and of ghosts, foul in wisdom'.
On this passage, and the name Gorthu, see V.333, 338, and the
commentary on QS $143 (V.290).
In the footnote to this paragraph Tol-na-Gaurhoth > Tol-in-
Gaurhoth (cf. GA $154 and commentary, pp. 54, 125).
$144. In 'for though his might is greatest of all things in this world,
alone of the Valar he knows fear' the words 'is' and 'knows' were
changed to 'was' and 'knew'.
$147. 'for sorrow; but the tale of it is remembered, for Thorondor,
king of eagles, brought the tidings to Gondolin, and to Hithlum. For
Morgoth' > 'for their sorrow is too deep. Yet the tale of it is
remembered still, for Thorondor, king of eagles, brought the tidings
to Gondolin, and to Hithlum afar off. Lo! Morgoth'
Gochressiel > Crisaegrim (see V.290, $147).
$149. 'And most the Gnomes feared' > 'And ever the Gnomes feared
most'.
$151. 'Dwarfs' > 'Dwarves'.
All these changes were taken up into the early typescript LQ 1 (in
which the footnotes to $$143, 156 were as usual incorporated in the
text, and so remained). LQ 1 received no emendation from my father,
not even the correction of misspelt names and other errors. These
errors reappear in the late typescript of the LQ 2 series, showing that
in this case the typist did not work from the manuscript. To the text in
LQ 2 my father gave the chapter-number 'XVIII' (see p. 215), and
made the following emendations.
$134. Dor-no-Fauglith (changed from Dor-na-Fauglith on the
manuscript, as noted above) > Dor-nu-Fauglith; a translation of the
name added in a footnote 'That is Land under Choking Ash'; and 'in
the Noldorin tongue' (where LQ 1 had 'in the Gnomish tongue') >
'in the Sindarin tongue'.
Eredwethion > Eredwethrin (and subsequently)
$135. Glomund > Glaurung (and subsequently). See p. 180, $104.
$137. Finrod > Finarfin (this change was missed in $144).
'Bregolas, son of Beor [the typescript has Breor, a mere error j
going back to LQ 1], who was lord of that house of men after his
father's death' > 'Bregolas, son of Bregor ... after Boromir his
father's death'. This accommodates the text to the new genealogy
that came in with the new chapter Of the Coming of Men into the
West. That was extant in the LQ 2 series, but for the present chapter
my father gave the typist the old LQ 1 text to copy.
Inglor > Finrod (and subsequently)
'Barahir son of Beor' > 'Barahir son of Bregor'
$138. Taur-na-Fuin > Taur-nu-Fuin (cf. GA $158 and commentary,
pp. 56, 126).
$139. The name Arthod of one of the companions of Barahir had
been misspelt Arthrod by the typist of LQ 1, and this error surviving
into LQ 2 was not observed by my father. In GA ($159,
p. 56) the name is Arthad, which was adopted in the published
Silmarillion.
$140. Gumlin > Galdor and subsequently (see p. 229, $32); the
intervening name Galion, appearing in GA ($127), was here
jumped.
$141. 'sought harbour with Inglor and Orodreth' (see p. 239, $141)
> 'sought harbour with Finrod and Orodreth'
$142. Cranthir > Caranthir
Damrod and Diriel > Amrod and Amras
$143. Now Sauron, whom the Noldor call Gorthu (see p. 239,
$143) > 'Now Sauron, whom the Sindar call Gorthaur'
'In Valinor he had dwelt among the people of the Valar, but there
Morgoth had drawn him to evil and to his service' (see p. 239,
$143; LQ 1 has 'gods'): this was struck out.
$147. In 'Morgoth goes ever halt of one foot since that day, and the
pain of his wounds cannot be healed; and in his face is the scar that
Thorondor made' the words 'goes', 'since', 'cannot', and 'is' were
changed to 'went', 'after', 'could not', and 'was'. Cf. p. 239, $144.
$151. Borlas and Boromir and Borthandos > Borlad and Borlach
and Borthand. In GA, in a passage extant in two versions, appear
both Borthandos and Borthand (pp. 61, 64), the other names
remaining as in QS. Here Borlad replaces Borlas and Borlach
replaces Boromir, which latter had become the name of the fourth
ruler of the People of Beor.
$152. 'Yet Haleth and his men' > 'Yet the People of Haleth'
Haleth > Halmir (and subsequently); at the first occurrence >
'Halmir Lord of the Haladin'. For Halmir see p. 236 and the
genealogical table of the Haladin on p. 237.
$153. Since no alteration to this passage in QS had ever been made,
at this late date the LQ 2 typescript still retained the old story that it
was Haleth the Hunter and his fosterson Hurin who, hunting in the
vale of Sirion in the autumn of the year of the Battle of Sudden
Flame (455), came upon the entrance into Gondolin. That story had
already been altered in the Grey Annals ($149), in that Hurin's
companion had become Haleth's grandson Handir, and in a long
rider inserted into the Annals ($$161-6, and see the commentary,
pp. 126-7) it had been much further changed: Hurin's companion
was now his brother Huor, and it was their presence (as fostersons
of Haleth) among the Men of Brethil in the battle against the Orcs
three years later (458) that led to their coming to Gondolin. The
only alterations that my father made to the passage in LQ 2,
however, were the replacement of Gumlin by Galdor and Haleth by
Halmir - thus retaining the long since rejected story while substitut-
ing the new names that had entered with the chapter Of the Coming
of Men into the West. This was obviously not his intention (prob-
ably he altered the names rapidly throughout the chapter without
considering the content in this paragraph), and indeed he marked
the passage in the margin with an X and noted against it 'This is
incorrect story. See Annals and tale of Turin'. This treatment may
have been due to haste, or disinclination to deal with the text at that
time; but it possibly implies uncertainty as to how he should relate
the content of the Quenta Silmarillion at this point to the same
material appearing in closely similar form both in the Grey Annals
and in the Narn: see pp. 165 ff. In the published work the old text of
QS $153 was replaced by that of GA $$161-6 (with a different
ending: see p. 169).
Two alterations made hastily to the QS manuscript are not found in
the typescripts. The first of these concerns the opening of $133: 'But
when the sons of the sons of the Fathers of Men were but newly come
to manhood'; this referred to the second generation after Beor, Hador,
and Haleth according to the old genealogies, i.e. Baragund, Belegund,
Beren; Hurin, Huor; Handir of Brethil. When correcting the LQ 2 text
my father had not observed the need to correct this in the light of the
revised history of the Edain in Beleriand, and when he did recognise it
he made the change only on the QS manuscript, thus:
But when the fifth generation of Men after Beor and Marach were
not yet come to full manhood
Even so, the change is not quite as is to be expected; for in the fifth
generation after Beor and Marach were Bregolas, Barahir; Gundor,
Galdor. There is of course no question that the men referred to are not
these, but their sons - and even so the new reading 'not yet come
to full manhood' is hardly suitable to Baragund and Belegund, who
according to the changed dates in the genealogical table (pp. 231-2)
were at this time 35 and 33 years old. At any rate it seems clear that
'fifth' was an error for 'sixth'.
The other alteration made to QS only, and obviously made much
earlier than that just given, was an addition to the end of $137, after
the words 'he [Felagund] gave to Barahir his ring'.
But fearing now that all strong places were doomed to fall at last
before the might of Morgoth, he sent away his wife Meril to her
own folk in Eglorest, and with her went their son, yet an elvenchild,
and Gilgalad Starlight he was called for the brightness of his eye.
Felagund's wife Meril has not been named before, nor any child of his;
and this is the first appearance of Gil-galad from The Lord of the
Rings. Another note on the subject is found in the QS manuscript near
the opening of the 'short' (i.e. condensed) version of the tale of Beren
and Luthien (see V.293), pencilled rapidly at the foot of a page but
clearly referring to the statement in the text that Felagund gave the
crown of Nargothrond to Orodreth before his departure with Beren
(The Silmarillion p. 170):
But foreseeing evil he commanded Orodreth to send away his son
Gilgalad, and wife.
This was struck out; and somewhat further on in the tale of Beren and
Luthien in the same version is a third hasty note, without direction for
insertion but evidently referring to the passage in which Orodreth
expelled Celegorn and Curufin from Nargothrond (The Silmarillion
p. 176):
But the Lady wife of Inglor forsook the folk of Nargoth-
rond and went with her son Gilgalad to the Havens of the Falas.
A blank space is here left for the name of Felagund's wife. In each of
these mentions, taking them in sequence, her departure is displaced to
a later point; but of course they need not have been written in that
sequence (although the third presumably replaced the second, which
was struck out). On the other hand it seems very unlikely that the
three additions do not belong together, though there seems to be no
way of discovering with certainty when they were written. - It may
also be noticed that a later correction to the old AB 2 manuscript
changed the sentence in the concluding annal (V.144) 'But Elrond the
Half-elfin remained, and ruled in the West of the world' to 'But Elrond
the Half-elven remained with Gilgalad son of Inglor Felagund who
ruled in the West of the world.'
In this connection must be mentioned the passage in the Grey
Annals $$108-9 (p. 44), where it is expressly stated that 'King Inglor
Felagund had no wife', and that when Galadriel came to Nargothrond
for the feast celebrating its completion in the year 102 she asked him
why:
... but foresight came upon Felagund as she spoke, and he said:
'An oath I too shall swear and must be free to fulfill it and go into
darkness. Nor shall anything of all my realm endure that a son
should inherit.'
But it is said that not until that hour had such cold thoughts ruled
him; for indeed she whom he had loved was Amarie of the Vanyar,
and she was not permitted to go with him into exile.
Amarie appears again in GA, in both versions of the retelling of the
story of Beren and Luthien ($$180, 199), where it is said that
Felagund dwells in Valinor with Amarie.
Later evidence makes it certain that the notes on the QS manuscript
represent a rejected idea for the incorporation of Gil-galad into the
traditions of the Elder Days; and the passage just cited from the Grey
Annals is to be taken as showing that it had been abandoned. That
Gil-galad was the son of Fingon (The Silmarillion p. 154) derives from
the late note pencilled on the manuscript of GA ($157), stating that
when Fingon became King of the Noldor on the death of Fingolfin 'his
young son (?Findor) [sic] Gilgalad he sent to the Havens.' But this,
adopted after much hesitation, was not in fact by any means the last of
my father's speculations on this question.
THE LAST CHAPTERS OF THE
QUENTA SILMARILLION.
Of the next chapters in QS (12 - 15), the tale of Beren and Luthien,
there is almost nothing to add to my account in V.292 ff. A typescript
in the LQ 1 series was made, but my father only glanced through it
cursorily, correcting a few errors in the typing and missing a major
one; from this it was copied in the LQ 2 series, which again he looked
at in a cursory and uncomparative fashion: such old names as Inglor
and Finrod were not changed to Finrod and Finarfin. The only change
that he made to the LQ 2 text was at the very beginning (V.296),
where against 'Noldor' he wrote in the margin 'Numenor', i.e. 'which
is the longest save one of the songs of [the Noldor >] Numenor
concerning the world of old.' With this cf. X.373.
The textual history of the following chapters (16 and 17) of the
Quenta Silmarillion has been fully described in Vol.V (see especially
pp. 293-4), and need not be repeated here. To Chapter 16, the story of
the Battle of Unnumbered Tears, no further changes to the text as
given in V.306-13 had been made (apart from those mentioned in
V.313, $1) when the LQ 1 typescript was taken from it, and this my
father did not correct or change at any point. Years later, the LQ 2
typescript was simply a copy of LQ 1, perpetuating its errors, and
similarly neglected. Thus the confused account of Turgon's emergence
from Gondolin, discussed in V.314-15, which had been resolved in the
story as told in the Grey Annals (see p. 133, $221), remained in this
text without so much as a comment in the margin.
With Chapter 17, the beginning of the story of Turin (V.316-21),
my father abandoned, in December 1937, the writing of the continu-
ous Quenta Silmarillion. He had made no changes to the chapter when
the last typescript of the LQ 1 series was taken from it, and this text he
never touched. In this case he did indeed return later to the
manuscript, making many additions and corrections (and rejecting the j
whole of the latter part of the chapter, V.319 - 21, $34-40); but this is
best regarded as an aspect of the vast, unfinished work on the 'Saga of
Turin' that engaged him during the 1950s, from which no brief
retelling suitable in scale to the Quenta Silmarillion ever emerged.
LQ 2 was again a simple copy of LQ 1, by that time altogether
obsolete.
Chapter 17 ended with Turin's flight from Menegroth after the
slaying of Orgof and his gathering of a band of outlaws beyond the
borders of Doriath: 'their hands were turned against all who came in
their path, Elves, Men, or Orcs' (V.321). The antecedent of this
passage is found in Q (Quenta Noldorinwa), IV.123; and from this
point, in terms of the Silmarillion narrative strictly or narrowly
defined, there is nothing later than Q (written, or the greater part of it,
in 1930) for the rest of the tale of Turin, and for all the story of the
return of Hurin, the Nauglamir, the death of Thingol, the destruction
of Doriath, the fall of Gondolin, and the attack on Sirion's Haven,
until we come to the rewriting of the conclusion of Q which my father
carried out in 1937.
This is not to suggest for a moment, of course, that he had lost
interest in the later tales: 'Turin' is the most obvious contradiction to
that, while the later Tale of Tuor was undoubtedly intended to lead to
a richly detailed account of the Fall of Gondolin, and The Wanderings
of Hurin was not to end with his departure from Brethil, but to lead
into the tale of the Necklace of the Dwarves. But the Quenta
Silmarillion was at an end. I have said of the Quenta Noldorinwa (Q)
in IV.76:
The title ['This is the brief History of the Noldoli or Gnomes, drawn
from the Book of Lost Tales'] makes it very plain that while Q was
written in a finished manner, my father saw it as a compendium, a
'brief history' that was 'drawn from' a much longer work; and this
aspect remained an important element in his conception of 'The
Silmarillion' properly so called. I do not know whether this idea did
indeed arise from the fact that the starting point of the second phase
of the mythological narrative was a condensed synopsis (S) [the
Sketch of the Mythology]; but it seems likely enough, from the step
by step continuity that leads from S through Q to the version that
was interrupted towards its end in 1937.
In these versions my father was drawing on (while also of course
continually developing and extending) long works that already existed
in prose and verse, and in the Quenta Silmarillion he perfected that
characteristic tone, melodious, grave, elegiac, burdened with a sense of
loss and distance in time, which resides partly, as I believe, in the
literary fact that he was drawing down into a brief compendious
history what he could also see in far more detailed, immediate, and
dramatic form. With the completion of the great 'intrusion' and
departure of The Lord of the Rings, it seems that he returned to the
Elder Days with a desire to take up again the far more ample scale
with which he had begun long before, in The Book of Lost Tales. The
completion of the Quenta Silmarillion remained an aim; but the 'great
tales', vastly developed from their original forms, from which its later
chapters should be derived were never achieved.
It remains only to record the later history of the final element in QS,
the rewritten conclusion of the Quenta Noldorinwa, which was given
in V.323 ff. with such emendations as I judged to have been made very
early and before the abandonment of work on QS at the end of 1937.
It is curious to find that a final typescript in the LQ 2 series of
1958(?) was made, in which the text of Q was copied from the words
'Hurin gathered therefore a few outlaws of the woods unto him,
and they came to Nargothrond' (IV.132) to the end. It has no title,
and apart from some corrections made to it by my father has no
independent value: its interest lies only in the fact of its existence. The
reason why it begins at this place in the narrative is, I think, clear
(though not why it begins at precisely this point). At the time when my
father decided to 'get copies made of all copyable material' (December
1957, see X.141-2) he provided the typist not only with the Quenta
Silmarillion papers but also with (among other manuscripts) the Grey
Annals. Thus the story of Turin, in that form, was (or would be)
secure in two typescript copies. But from the death of Turin, if
anything of the concluding parts of The Silmarillion was to be copied
in this way, it had to be the text of Q: for there was nothing later
(except the rewritten version of the conclusion). Yet in this text we are
of course in quite early writing: for a single example among many, Q
has (IV.139) 'For Turgon deemed, when first they came into that vale
after the dreadful battle ...' - an explicit reference to the now
long-discarded story of the foundation of Gondolin after the Battle of
Unnumbered Tears; and so this appears in the late typescript. That
was of course a mere pis-aller, an insurance against the possibility of a
catastrophe, but its existence underlines, and must have underlined for
my father, the essential and far-reaching work that still awaited him,
but which he would never achieve.
The typist of LQ 2 was given the manuscript (see V.323) of the 1937
rewriting of the conclusion of Q, beginning 'And they looked upon the
Lonely Isle and there they tarried not'. Some of the later, roughly made
emendations (see V.324) had already been made to the manuscript,
but others had not. Up to the point where the rewritten text begins my
father understandably paid no attention at all to the typescript, but the
concluding portion he corrected cursorily - it is clear that he did not
have the actual manuscript by him to refer to. These corrections are
mostly no more than regular changes of name, but he made one or two
independent alterations as well, and these are recorded in the notes
that follow.
The corrections to the manuscript, carried out as it appears in two
stages (before and after the making of the typescript), are mostly fairly
minor, and a few so slight as not to be worth recording. I refer to the
numbered paragraphs in V.324 - 34.
Changes of name or forms of name were: Airandir > Aerandir ($1);
Tun > Tirion ($3 and subsequently); Kor > Tuna ($4); Lindar >
Vanyar ($$6, 26); Vingelot > Vingilot ($11, but not at the other
occurrences); Gumlin > Galion ($16); Gorthu > Gorthaur ($30, see
p. 240, $143); Palurien > Kementari ($32); Eriol > Ereol ($33).
Fionwe was changed to Eonwe throughout, and son of Manwe to
'herald of Manwe' in $5 (but in $6 'Fionwe son of Manwe' > 'Eonwe
to whom Manwe gave his sword'); 'the sons of the Valar' became 'the
host of the Valar' in $6, but 'the Children of the Valar' in $18, 'the
sons of the Gods' in $20, and 'the sons of the Valar' in $$29, 32, were
not corrected (see also under $15 below).
Other changes were:
$6. 'Ingwiel son of Ingwe was their chief': observing the apparent
error, in that Ingwiel appears to be named the leader of the Noldor
(see V.334, $6), my father changed this to 'Finarphin son of Finwe':
see IV.196, second footnote. In the typescript he let the passage
stand, but changed Ingwiel to Ingwion (and also 'Light-elves' to
'Fair-elves', see X.168, 180).
$9. 'Manwe' > 'Manwe the Elder King'
$12. 'she let build for her' > 'there was built for her'
$13. 'they took it for a sign of hope' > 'they took it for a sign, and
they called it Gil-Orrain, the Star of high hope', with Gil-Orrain
subsequently changed to Gil-Amdir (see X.320). The typescript had
the revised reading, with Gil-Orrain, which my father emended to
Gil-Estel; on the carbon copy he wrote Orestel above Orrain.
$15. 'the Light-elves of Valinor' > 'the Light-elves in Valinor'
'the sons of the Gods were young and fair and terrible' > 'the host
of the Gods were arrayed in forms of Valinor'
$16. 'the most part of the sons of Men' > 'a great part of the sons of
Men'
$17. 'was like a great roar of thunder, and a tempest of fire' > 'was
with a great thunder, and lightning, and a tempest of fire'
$18. 'and in his fall the towers of Thangorodrim were thrown down'
> 'and he fell upon the towers of Thangorodrim and they were
broken and thrown down'
'the chain Angainor, which long had been prepared' > 'the chain
Angainor, which he had worn aforetime'
$20. 'But Maidros would not harken, and he prepared... to attempt
in despair the fulfilment of his oath' > 'But Maidros and Maglor
would not harken...', with change of 'he' to 'they' and 'his' to 'their'.
$26. 'and especially upon the great isles' > 'and upon the great isles'
$30. 'and bears dark fruit even to these latest days' > 'and will bear
dark fruit even unto the latest days'
'Sauron ... who served Morgoth even in Valinor and came with
him' > '... who served Morgoth long ago and came with him into
the world' (cf. the removal of the passage on this subject from the
chapter Of the Ruin of Beleriand, p. 240, $143).
$31. 'Turin Turambar... coming from the halls of Mandos' > 'Turin
Turambar... returning from the Doom of Men at the ending of the
world'. In the margin of the manuscript my father wrote 'and Beren
Camlost' without direction for its insertion.
$32. 'and she will break them [the Silmarils] and with their fire
rekindle the Two Trees': this was emended on the carbon copy of
the typescript only to: 'and he [Feanor] will break them and with
their fire Yavanna will rekindle the Two Trees'
Approximately against the last two sentences of the paragraph
(from 'In that light the Gods will grow young again...') my father
put a large X in the margin of the manuscript.
Among these later changes were also the subheadings (Of the Great
Battle and the War of Wrath at $15, Of the Last End of the Oath of
Feanor and his Sons at $20, and Of the Passing of the Elves at $26)
which were noticed in the commentary on this text, V.336; I neglected
however to mention there the introduction of a further subheading,
The Second Prophecy of Mandos, at $31.
I said of this text in V.324: 'The very fact that the end of "The
Silmarillion" still took this form when The Lord of the Rings was
begun is sufficiently remarkable'. It seems much more remarkable, and
not easy to interpret, that my father was treating it as a text requiring
only minor and particular revision at this much later time. But his
mode of emendation could sometimes be decidedly perfunctory,
suggesting not a close, comparative consideration of an earlier text
so much as a series of descents on particular points that struck his
attention; and it may be that such later emendations as he made in this
case are to be regarded rather in that light than as implying any sort
of final approval of the content. But this text was peculiar in its
inception, jumping forward from the beginning of the story of Turin
to the middle of a sentence much further on in the Quenta, and its
later history does not diminish its somewhat mysterious nature.
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